The situation for primates and man in particular is not completely clear. Although regeneration is also amyotypic and coordination is either permanently disarranged or at least always remains poor, some central nervous system mechanisms seem to have developed in those forms that enable the individual to make some secondary, partial readjustment. Perhaps this new learning is based on more complex cortical activities- possibly those that are experienced by man as will – but these speculations still lack empirical evidence.
尤其是靈長類動物和人的狀況尚未完全清楚。雖然再生也是amyotypic與協調性永久混亂或總是留下貧乏的混亂，一些中樞神經系統的機制似乎已制定在這些形式，使個人能夠提出一些次要的和局部的調整。或許這一新的學習是基於更為複雜的大腦皮質活動，藉由人的經驗有可能是好的-但這些猜測仍然缺乏實證。
The picture would not be complete without at least a superficial reference to the sensory disarrangement brought about by extracorporeal distortions, such as vision through wearing distorting lenses or prisms. Man, and a variety of lower forms, can learn quickly to make a number of adaptive corrections for these distortions (Kohler, 1951). However, the adjustment is not complete. In adjusting motor coordination to distorted visual input, it is essential that the individual goes through a period of motor adaptation, and there is cogent evidence that this is required for a physiological reintegration between afferent and efferent impulses and not simply to provide the subject with “knowledge” of the spatial configurations (Held and Hein, 1958), (Smith and Smith, 1962). Furthermore, man’s cognitive adjustment to visually distorted environment is never complete. Subjects who wear image-inverting goggles soon come to perceive the world right-side-up (through as the beginning it was seen upside down). But even after many weeks of relative adjustment, they experience paradoxical sights such as smoke from a pipe falling download instead of rising upward or snowflakes going up instead of coming down.
至少沒有從表面提到感覺紊亂所帶來的體外扭曲，該圖片將不會是完整的，如通過佩戴隱形眼鏡或棱鏡而視覺扭曲。人們，以及各種較低的形式，可以迅速學習去做出一些適應性來更正這些扭曲（科勒， 1951年） 。然而，調整尚未完成。在調整動作協調，以歪曲的視覺輸入，重要的是，個別經過一段馬達的適應，並有令人信服的證據證明，這是一種重新傳入和傳出之間的衝擊以生理恢復的需要，而不僅僅是提供的“知識“主題的空間配置（海德和海因， 1958年） ， （史密斯和史密斯， 1962 ） 。此外，人的視覺認知調整扭曲的環境是永遠不會完成。主題是帶著圖像反相的護目鏡，去感受即將到來右側向上的世界（通過的開始它被認為頭是朝下） 。但即使在許多個星期的相對調整，他們的經驗自相矛盾的視覺，如煙霧從管道下降而不是上升或雪花上升而不是下降。
The over-all conclusion that must be drawn from the disarrangement experiments are first, that motor coordination (and certain behavior patterns dependent upon it) is driven by a rigid, unalterable cycle of neurophysiological events inherent in a species’ central nervous system; second, that larval, fetal, or embryonic tissues lack specialization; this enables these tissues to influence one another in such a way as to continue to play their originally assigned role despite certain arbitrary peripheral rearrangements. Because of this adaptability, species-specific motor coordination reappears again and again regardless of experimentally switched connections. Third, as tissues become more specialized- both in ontogeny and in phylogeny- the adaptability and mutual tissue influence disappears. Therefore, in higher vertebrates peripheral disarrangements cause permanent discoordination. Finally, with advance of phylogenic history, ancillary neurophysiological mechanisms appear which modify and at times obscure the central and inherent theme- the cyclic driving force at the root of simple motor coordination. More complex storage devices (memories) and inhibitory mechanisms are examples.
全面性的結論，即必須先從未安排的實驗描繪，動作協調（取決於它的某些行為模式）是僵硬的，像是不可改變的週期神經生理活動中，其中所固有物種的中樞神經系統;第二，那幼蟲，胎兒或胚胎組織缺乏專業化，這使這些組織影響專業化的另一種方式，儘管某些周邊重新排列，還是繼續發揮其原來分配的作用。由於這有這樣的適應性，不論開關連接與否，物種的具體動作協調會重新出現一次又一次的實驗，第三，隨著組織變得更加專業，無論在個體發育和系統發育，適應性和相互組織的影響力消失。因此，在更高階的脊椎動物系統的周邊混亂造成永久性不協調。最後，推動生物進化系統的歷史，輔助神經生理機制的出現，去修改生理機制、有些在不明顯中央和固有的主題-簡單的動作協調的循環動力根源。更複雜的存儲設備（記憶）和抑制機制就是這些例子。
With the emergence of more specialized brains, the nature of behavior-specificity changes. Although it would be an inexcusable oversimplification to say that behavior, in general, becomes more or less specific with phylogenetic advance, there is perhaps some truth in the following generalizations. In the lower forms, there seems to be a greater latitude in what constitutes an effective stimulus, but there is a very narrow range of possible responses. Pattern perception, for instance, is poorly developed so that an extremely large array of stimulus configurations may serve to elicit a certain behavior sequence, and thus there is little specificity in stimulability. However, the motor responses are all highly predictable and are based on relatively simple neuromuscular correlates; thus there is high degree of response specificity. With advancing phylogeny, the reverse seems to become true. More complex pattern perception is correlated with greater stimulus specificity and has a wider range of possible motor responses, that is, less response specificity. However, both of these trends in decreasing and increasing specificity are actually related to greater and greater behavioral and ecological specialization. Taxonomists will be quick to point out countless exceptions to these rules. Evolution is not so simple and can never be brought to confirm to a few formulas. The statement here is merely to the effect that such trends exist and that, generally speaking, specificity both in stimulation and in responsiveness changes throughout the history of life.
隨著更專業的大腦的出現，行為特異性的性質改變。雖然這將是一個無法辯解簡單化地行為說法，在一般情況下，在系統發育提前或多或少變得更加具體，也許在以下的概括性的論述中有一些的道理可循。在較低階層的形式中，這似乎意味著有更大的自由度去構成一種影響性的刺激，但能採取對策範圍很狹窄。模式的知覺，例如，發展不足以致於，這樣一個相當大的陣列配置的刺激可能有助於引起某些行為排列，因此很少有特異性的刺激反應。然而，動力的反應都是高度可預測性，並基於相對的簡單神經肌肉相關性;因此，有特異性的高度反應。隨著系統發生，相反的系統似乎成為真實高度的反應。更為複雜的模式知覺是與更大的刺激特異性相關的和有更廣泛可能的機動反應範圍，也就是更少特異性的反應。但是，這兩種趨勢在下降和特異性的增加，越來越多的特異性在實際上涉及越來越大的行為和生態專業化。分類學家很快指出這些規則中無數例外。演變並非如此簡單，可以從來沒有被幾個公式所確認。此聲明這裡僅僅是其影響這種趨勢存在，一般來說，特異性均在刺激和反應性變化中遍及歷史的生命。
In the vast majority of vertebrates, functional readjustment to anatomical rearrangement appears to be totally impossible. Even if the animal once “knew how” to pounce on prey, peripheral-central disarrangement will permanently incapacitate the animal from pursuing the necessities for its livelihood. If the primate order should indeed be proven to be an exception to this rule- and there is little evidence of this so far- then we would have to deal with phenomenon as an extreme specialization, whose details and consequences are yet to be investigated. There is such less modifiability for those coordination patterns which constitute species-specific behavior than is usually realized, and we must keep in mind that most behavioral traits have species-specific aspects.
在絕大多數的脊椎動物中，重新整理解剖的功能調整看來似乎是完全不可能的。即使動物一度“知道如何”會撲到獵物，外圍中心的混亂會使永久使去能力的動物的追求生活的必然性。如果靈長類秩序應該證明是一個例外，而且到目前為止沒有證據證明這一點，那麼我們將應該處理的是一個極端的特殊化，其細節和結果有待調查。如此少變性的協調模式構成物種行為通常比我們認知到的還要少，我們必須記住，有明確物種的方向是最具行為特點的。
This statement is not contradicted by the great variety of arbitrary behavior that is produced by training. Pressing a bar in a cage, pecking at a red spot, jumping into the air at the signal of a buzzer (in short, the infinity of arbitrary tricks an animal can be made to perform) do not imply that we could train individuals of one species (for example, common house cats) to adopt the identical motor behavior patterns of another, such as that of a dog. Although there is perfect homology of muscles, we cannot train a cat to wag its tail with a dog’s characteristic motor coordination. Nor can one induce a cat to vocalize on the same occasions a dog vocalizes instinctively, for instance, when someone walks through the backyard. Just as an individual of one species cannot transcend the limits to behavior set by its evolutionary inheritance, so it cannot make adjustments for certain organic aberrations, particularly those just discussed. The nearly infinite possibility of training and retraining is a sigh of the great freedom enjoyed by most mammals in combining and recombining individual traits, including sensory and motor aspects. The traits themselves come from a limited repertoire, are not modifiable, and are invariably species-specific in their precise motor coordination and general execution.
由重要任意行為所產生培養的變體，這種說法並不矛盾。在籠子中擁擠的阻礙裡，紅斑在啄食，蜂鳴器的信號在空氣中跳躍（總之，使用任意策略至無限遠，一種動物都可以去執行）並不意味著我們可以培養個人的物種（例如，普遍的家貓）另一個物種去採取相同的動作行為模式，像是狗。雖然有完善的肌肉的同源性我們寧然不能培養出貓像狗一樣可以搖尾巴的特徵及其動作協調。也不能誘使貓發聲，在同一場合狗也會誘發發聲本能，例如，當某人走過後院。正如個別的物種不能超越它的的界限，以確定其進化行為的本質，因此不能作出調整某些器官變體，尤其是那些剛剛討論到的部份。幾乎以無限的培養的可能性和再培養一項偉大的自由驚嘆從中享有的最多哺乳動物的組合和重新組合的個人特徵，包括感覺和運動方面。特性本身來自一個有限的演奏曲目，是無法限定的，在其必然確切的動作協調和一般動作執行。
In Goethe’s words, addressing a developing being:
Nach dem Gesetz, wonach du angetreten.
So musst du seyn, dir kannst du nicht entfliehen,
So sagten schon Sibyllen, so Propheten;
Und jeine Zeit und keine Macht zerstűckelt
Georägte Form, die lebend sich entwichelt.
用歌德的話來敘述，追求發展中國家的生存：
Nach dem Gesetz, wonach du angetreten.
So musst du seyn, dir kannst du nicht entfliehen,
So sagten schon Sibyllen, so Propheten;
Und jeine Zeit und keine Macht zerstűckelt
Georägte Form, die lebend sich entwichelt.
*According to the law that summoned thee.
Thus must thou be, thy own thou canst not flee.
Thus spake the sibyls, thus the prophets:
And neither time nor might can deviate
Imprinted from alive developing.
2008年12月17日 星期三
2008年12月3日 星期三
Biological Matrix
Why Use Controls in a Biological Matrix?by Charles E. Pippenger, Ph.D.
Dr. Pippenger is semi-retired in Vermont and Adjunct Professor, Department of Neurology, University of Vermont, College of Medicine.
One of the major goals of every lab is to minimize the occurrence of lab errors. This requires that every lab be aware of potential sources of error that may occur in Therapeutic Drug Monitoring (TDM).
UTAK was one of the very first sources of Antiepileptic (AED) controls in a biological matrix. Because of the quality of their products, in 1974, UTAK was selected to provide the controls for the Antiepileptic Drug Levels Quality Control Program established under the auspices of the Epilepsy Foundation of America. I'm delighted UTAK continues to recognize the importance of sharing quality control data in a timely fashion. The establishment of their P2P program for trace elements and its expansion into TDM has the potential to enhance interlaboratory communication and fill a great void which has existed for too long. Accurate analytical assays are the key to optimizing and personalizing patient care. Interlaboratory quality control programs and communication are key components of any analytical assay.
Why Use Controls in a Biological Matrix?by Charles E. Pippenger, Ph.D.
Dr. Pippenger is semi-retired in Vermont and Adjunct Professor, Department of Neurology, University of Vermont, College of Medicine.
One of the major goals of every lab is to minimize the occurrence of lab errors. This requires that every lab be aware of potential sources of error that may occur in Therapeutic Drug Monitoring (TDM).
UTAK was one of the very first sources of Antiepileptic (AED) controls in a biological matrix. Because of the quality of their products, in 1974, UTAK was selected to provide the controls for the Antiepileptic Drug Levels Quality Control Program established under the auspices of the Epilepsy Foundation of America. I'm delighted UTAK continues to recognize the importance of sharing quality control data in a timely fashion. The establishment of their P2P program for trace elements and its expansion into TDM has the potential to enhance interlaboratory communication and fill a great void which has existed for too long. Accurate analytical assays are the key to optimizing and personalizing patient care. Interlaboratory quality control programs and communication are key components of any analytical assay.
Why Use Controls in a Biological Matrix?by Charles E. Pippenger, Ph.D.
2008年11月25日 星期二
2008年11月5日 星期三
Philip Lieberman
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Philip Lieberman is a linguist at Brown University. Originally trained in phonetics, he wrote a dissertation on intonation. The remainder of his career has focused on topics in the evolution of language, and particularly the relationship between the evolution of the vocal tract and the evolution of speech and language. His work in this field stimulated considerable interest in this area.
Lieberman later became interested in photography and mountaineering, and has published on mountaineering in Switzerland.
He currently holds an endowed chair in the Department of Cognitive and Linguistic Sciences at Brown University, and is also a professor in the Department of Anthropology.
Philip Lieberman is a linguist at Brown University. Originally trained in phonetics, he wrote a dissertation on intonation. The remainder of his career has focused on topics in the evolution of language, and particularly the relationship between the evolution of the vocal tract and the evolution of speech and language. His work in this field stimulated considerable interest in this area.
Lieberman later became interested in photography and mountaineering, and has published on mountaineering in Switzerland.
He currently holds an endowed chair in the Department of Cognitive and Linguistic Sciences at Brown University, and is also a professor in the Department of Anthropology.
2008年10月28日 星期二
LB 071-073T 怡萱
Ch2 IV. Conclusion
Comparison of man’s peripheral anatomy with that of other primates reveals a number of specializations of face bones and muscles especially in chimpanzee and gorilla does not render a study of anatomy useless in our attempts to understand the biological foundations of speech and language. The general configuration of the vocal tract has undergone geometric transformations in man which have a direct effect upon the acoustics of universal human speech sounds.
人類的外部解剖與其他靈長類動物比較之下，顯示了一些特別的人臉骨骼和肌肉，尤其是在黑猩猩和大猩猩，研究解剖的無效並不影響我們試圖了解生物的基礎語言。一般在人類聲帶的構造經歷了幾何變換，對於普遍語言的聽覺有直接影響的關係。
The alterations of the vocal tract that are specific to man can hardly be explained as adjustment to a different diet or as peculiar adaptations to any other vital function. Nevertheless, we do not attribute these peculiarities to any primeval need for communication or for making speech sounds, because such teleological arguments are repugnant to the scientific outlook. On the other hand, it is not impossible that some aspect of sound-making efficiency might not have played into the mechanisms of natural selection during the history of the species.
改變遺傳基質的聲帶道所特有的人很難被解釋為調整不同的飲食或特殊適應任何其他重要功能。儘管如此，我們並不把這些任何特殊屬性的溝通或發出聲音的行為當成原始需要，因為這些論點的目的是反對的科學展觀。另一方面，這不是不可能從某一些方面去決策健全的效率，在自然物種選擇歷史的過程中，有可能沒有發揮到機制。
Man’s central nervous system presents several innovations. Among them there is at least one that is directly related to language, namely the lateralization of function or, in other words, left-hemisphere dominance. In addition to the right to left displacement of function, there is also an antero-posterior polarization within the left hemisphere because anterior lesions disturb predominantly motor aspects of language, whereas the more posterior ones tend to involve predominantly sensory aspects. The histological differentiation of the cerebral cortex and the cortico-thalamic fiber-connections have no clearly demonstrable language specify. Language and speech are not merely represented in the cortex, but there seem to be language-correlated functions that also involve subcortical and mid-brain structures.
人的中樞神經系統提出了若干創新。其中至少有一個是直接相關的語言，即側化的功能，換言之，就是左西半球的主導地位。除了從右向左位移的功能，也有另ㄧ邊後側化後的左半球是因為先前損害干擾語言引擎的方面，而更後的往往涉及主要感官方面的問題。該組織分化的大腦皮質和皮質丘腦光纖連接沒有明顯的語言清楚地說明。語言和言語不只是代表的皮質，但似乎有語言的相關職能，也涉及皮質和中腦的結構。
The large size of the human brain cannot be attributed specifically to the exercise of language functions.
In general, it is not possible to assign any specific neuro-anatomic structure to the capacity for language. However, this capacity may be due to structural innovations on a molecular level. Language is probably due to the peculiar way in which the various parts of the brain work together or, in other words, to its peculiar function.
人類的大腦規模龐大，不能歸咎於具體行使的語言功能。 一般來說，語言是不可能指定任何特定的神經解剖結構的能力。但是，這種能力可能是由於體制創新的分子標準。語言可能是由於獨特的方式的各部分大腦共同努力，換言之，是大腦特有的功能。
Comparison of man’s peripheral anatomy with that of other primates reveals a number of specializations of face bones and muscles especially in chimpanzee and gorilla does not render a study of anatomy useless in our attempts to understand the biological foundations of speech and language. The general configuration of the vocal tract has undergone geometric transformations in man which have a direct effect upon the acoustics of universal human speech sounds.
人類的外部解剖與其他靈長類動物比較之下，顯示了一些特別的人臉骨骼和肌肉，尤其是在黑猩猩和大猩猩，研究解剖的無效並不影響我們試圖了解生物的基礎語言。一般在人類聲帶的構造經歷了幾何變換，對於普遍語言的聽覺有直接影響的關係。
The alterations of the vocal tract that are specific to man can hardly be explained as adjustment to a different diet or as peculiar adaptations to any other vital function. Nevertheless, we do not attribute these peculiarities to any primeval need for communication or for making speech sounds, because such teleological arguments are repugnant to the scientific outlook. On the other hand, it is not impossible that some aspect of sound-making efficiency might not have played into the mechanisms of natural selection during the history of the species.
改變遺傳基質的聲帶道所特有的人很難被解釋為調整不同的飲食或特殊適應任何其他重要功能。儘管如此，我們並不把這些任何特殊屬性的溝通或發出聲音的行為當成原始需要，因為這些論點的目的是反對的科學展觀。另一方面，這不是不可能從某一些方面去決策健全的效率，在自然物種選擇歷史的過程中，有可能沒有發揮到機制。
Man’s central nervous system presents several innovations. Among them there is at least one that is directly related to language, namely the lateralization of function or, in other words, left-hemisphere dominance. In addition to the right to left displacement of function, there is also an antero-posterior polarization within the left hemisphere because anterior lesions disturb predominantly motor aspects of language, whereas the more posterior ones tend to involve predominantly sensory aspects. The histological differentiation of the cerebral cortex and the cortico-thalamic fiber-connections have no clearly demonstrable language specify. Language and speech are not merely represented in the cortex, but there seem to be language-correlated functions that also involve subcortical and mid-brain structures.
人的中樞神經系統提出了若干創新。其中至少有一個是直接相關的語言，即側化的功能，換言之，就是左西半球的主導地位。除了從右向左位移的功能，也有另ㄧ邊後側化後的左半球是因為先前損害干擾語言引擎的方面，而更後的往往涉及主要感官方面的問題。該組織分化的大腦皮質和皮質丘腦光纖連接沒有明顯的語言清楚地說明。語言和言語不只是代表的皮質，但似乎有語言的相關職能，也涉及皮質和中腦的結構。
The large size of the human brain cannot be attributed specifically to the exercise of language functions.
In general, it is not possible to assign any specific neuro-anatomic structure to the capacity for language. However, this capacity may be due to structural innovations on a molecular level. Language is probably due to the peculiar way in which the various parts of the brain work together or, in other words, to its peculiar function.
人類的大腦規模龐大，不能歸咎於具體行使的語言功能。 一般來說，語言是不可能指定任何特定的神經解剖結構的能力。但是，這種能力可能是由於體制創新的分子標準。語言可能是由於獨特的方式的各部分大腦共同努力，換言之，是大腦特有的功能。
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Clark, W. E. Le Gros (1932), The structure and connections of the thalamus, Brain 55:406-470.Conrad, K. (1954), New problems of aphasia, Brain 77:491-509
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Critchley, M. (1962), Speech and speecj-loss in relation to duality of the brain in Interhemispheric Relations and Cerebral Dominance, V. B. Mountcastle (ed.), pp.208-213. The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore.
Dodgson, M.C. H. (1962), The Growing Brain; An Essay in Developmental Neurology. Williams and Wilkins, Baltimore.
DuBrul, E. L. (1958), Evolution of the Speech Apparatus. C Thomas, Springfield, Illinois.
Duckworth, W. L. H.(1910), A note on sections of the lips of the primates, J. Anat. And Physiol. 44: 348:-353.
Feremutsch, K. (1963), Thalamus, in Primatologia; Handbook of Primatology, H. Hofer, A. H. Schultz, and D. Starck (eds.), Vol. II, part 2, fasc. 6. Karger, Basel.
Fink, B. R. and Kirschner, F. (1959), Observations on the acoustical and mechanical properties of the vocal folds, Folia Phoniatria 11: 167-172.
Goldstein, K. (1942), After-effects of Brain Injuries in War; Their Evalution an dTreatment, Grune and Stratton, New York.
Guiot, G., Hertzog, E, Rondot , P., and Molina, P. (1961), Arrest or acceleration of speech evoked by thalamic stimulation in the course of stereotaxic procedures for Parkinsonism, Brain 84:363-380.
Hartmann-v. Monakow, K. (1965), Psychosyndrome und Sprachstoerungen nach stereotakischen Operationen beim Parkinson-Syndrome, Akt. Fragen Psychiat. Neurol. 2:87-100.
Heberer, G. (ed.) (1965), Menschliche Abstammungslehre; Fortschritte der Anthropogenie, 1863-1964. G. Fischer, Stuttgart.
Hofer, H. (1965), Die morphologische Analyse des Schädels des Menschen, in Menschliche Abstammungslehre, G. Heberer (ed.), Fischer, Stuttgart.
Huber, E. (1931), Evolution of Facial Musculature and Facial Expression. The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore.
Kaplan, H. M. (1960), Anatomy and Physiology of Speech. McGraw-Hill, New York.
Kelemen, G. (1938), Comparative anatomical studies on the junction of larynx and resonant tube, Acta oto-laryng. 26:276-283.
Kelemen, G. (1939), Vergleichende Anatomie und Physiologie der Stimmorgane, Arch, Sprache-Stimmheilk. 3:213-237
Kelemen, G. (1948), the anatomical basis of phonation in the chimpanzee, J. Morphol. 82:229-256.
Kelly, A. H., Beaton, L. E., and Magoun, H. W. (1946). A midbrain mechanism for facio-vocal activity, J. Neurophysiol. 9:181-189.
Kleinschmidt, A. (1938), Die Schulund-Kehlorgane des Gorillas “Bobby,” Morphol. Jahrb. 81:78.
Kleinschmidt, A. (1949-1950), Zur Anatomie des Kehlkopfes der Anthropoiden, Anat. Anz. 97:367-372.
Kreht, H. (1936), Cytoarchitektonik und motorisches Sprachzentrum, Z. Mikroskopischanat. Forsch. 39:331-354.
Kroeber, A. L. (1948), Anthropology. Harcourt. Brace and World, New York.
Kummer, B. (1953), Untersuchungen über die Entwicklung der Schädelform des Menschen und einiger Anthropoiden, in Abhandlungen z. Exakten Biologie. L. von Bertalanfly (ed.), Borntraeger, Berlin.
Lasheley, K. S. and Clark, G. (1946), The cytoarchitecture of the cerebral cortex of Ateles: A critical examination of architectonic studies, J. comp. Neurol. 85:223-305.
Lenneberg, E. H. (1962), Understanding language without ability to speak: a case report, J. Abnorm. Soc. Psycho. 65:419-425.
Lightoller G. S. (1925), Facial Muscles, J. Anat. 60:1-85.
Lightoller G. S. (1928), The facial muscles of three orang utans and two cercopithecidae, J. Anat. 63:19-81.
2008年10月8日 星期三
LB 463-464T 怡萱
Most workers on aphasia were content to consider language in terms of the memory and articulation of words, and they constructed complicated diagrams demonstrating the localization of language.20 Carl Wernicke exemplified the dominating trend of thought in the work on aphasia when he insisted that language must be considered in complete isolation from concept formation and intelligence. The reception and production of language must likewise be considered quite separately. There were undoubtedly many reasons for the reduction to “the simplest hypotheses” in the construction of models for language physiology.21 Wernicke hints at one of them, when he emphasized the difference between the localization advocated by the phrenologists and his own.22 [95]. In 1891 A Critical Study, Towards a Conceptualization of Aphasia was published by Sigmund Freud (1856-1939). It demonstrated that the difference between Gall’s and Wernicke’s concept of localization was not a basic one. Just because,” will and intellect have been recognized as psychological technical terms… (one does not)…know with greater certainty that simple sense images are nothing more than such a technical term.” There is no justification for the assumption that the physiological correlate of a simple psychological element is also simple and localizable [96] Freud out.
大多數失語症的運作者必須考慮語言方面的記憶和表述的話的內容，他們建造複雜的圖表顯示了語言的定位.卡爾韋尼克認為失語症的運作型態是主導思潮，當他堅持認為，語言必須被視為在完全孤立從概念的形成和理解力。語言的容納和生產必須同樣被視為絕對分開運作。毫無疑問，減少許多原因是在於建設語言生理學模式，是“最簡單的假設”。韋尼克暗示其中一項，他強調差異定位所倡導的骨相學和他擁有的 。在1891年的批判性研究下，弗洛伊德出版了（ 1856年至1939年）建立一個失語的概念化。這顯示戈爾和韋尼克之間的區別和定位的概念不是一個基本的面向。只是因為， “意志和智慧已被確認為心理技術術語... ...知道更大的確定性，簡單意義上的圖像只不過是這樣一個技術術語。弗洛伊德指出: ”沒有任何理由假設，是一個簡單的心理因素也是簡單和定位是和生理相關的。
He had touched the weakest spot of the aphasia theories by demonstrating that the so-called physiology of language was no more than a translation of psychological insights into physiological terms. In their attempt to consider the biological basis of language without becoming involved in psychology, the workers on aphasia had introduced their own psychology in physiological terms.23
他曾觸及不充分的失語症的理論表明，所謂的語言生理是只是一個心理的翻譯來洞察生理條件。在他們的企圖考慮生物學基礎的語言並沒有捲入心理學，而失語症的人在術語.23介紹了自己的心理和生理。
If nothing else, the basic importance of the brain for language function had been established by the work done on aphasia. Yet neither the brain nor aphasia was even mentioned in one of the most important books on language, published in 1891 by Georg von der Gabelentz (1840-1893). In speaking of the biological basis of man’s language capacity, he only mentioned the upright posture and man’s unencumbered chest as factors which may have facilitated development of language in the human species. The psychological origin of language was sought in jealousy, boredom, playfulness or other mental and physical needs. Linguistics should not be a natural science, and only man’s ability to order his thoughts could be profitably subjected to the method of scientific psychology. The most important function of language, the expression of connected thoughts and concepts, could only be studied by means of logical analysis and metaphysics [97]. Steinthal’s hope that language would be considered in a broader frame had not been realized in linguistics.
如果沒有其他的功能，大腦語言功能的基本重要性已經由失語症的運作完成建立。然而無論是大腦也不是失語症中，提到的一本最重要的語言書籍，出版於1891年由喬治馮德加貝倫茨（ 1840至1893年） 。在談到生物學基礎上人的語言能力，他只提到了直立的姿勢和人的支配胸部的因素可能有利於人類物種在語言上的發展。心理起源的語言是尋求嫉妒，無聊，遊戲或其他精神和肉體的需要。而語言學不應該是一個自然的科學，只有人有能力去命令腦中想法，這樣可以獲得科學心理的方法。語言最重要的功能，是表達的聯繫思想和概念，這樣僅僅是研究邏輯分析方法和形而上學。施泰因塔爾希望，將語言在更廣泛的範圍內去實現語言學。
大多數失語症的運作者必須考慮語言方面的記憶和表述的話的內容，他們建造複雜的圖表顯示了語言的定位.卡爾韋尼克認為失語症的運作型態是主導思潮，當他堅持認為，語言必須被視為在完全孤立從概念的形成和理解力。語言的容納和生產必須同樣被視為絕對分開運作。毫無疑問，減少許多原因是在於建設語言生理學模式，是“最簡單的假設”。韋尼克暗示其中一項，他強調差異定位所倡導的骨相學和他擁有的 。在1891年的批判性研究下，弗洛伊德出版了（ 1856年至1939年）建立一個失語的概念化。這顯示戈爾和韋尼克之間的區別和定位的概念不是一個基本的面向。只是因為， “意志和智慧已被確認為心理技術術語... ...知道更大的確定性，簡單意義上的圖像只不過是這樣一個技術術語。弗洛伊德指出: ”沒有任何理由假設，是一個簡單的心理因素也是簡單和定位是和生理相關的。
He had touched the weakest spot of the aphasia theories by demonstrating that the so-called physiology of language was no more than a translation of psychological insights into physiological terms. In their attempt to consider the biological basis of language without becoming involved in psychology, the workers on aphasia had introduced their own psychology in physiological terms.23
他曾觸及不充分的失語症的理論表明，所謂的語言生理是只是一個心理的翻譯來洞察生理條件。在他們的企圖考慮生物學基礎的語言並沒有捲入心理學，而失語症的人在術語.23介紹了自己的心理和生理。
If nothing else, the basic importance of the brain for language function had been established by the work done on aphasia. Yet neither the brain nor aphasia was even mentioned in one of the most important books on language, published in 1891 by Georg von der Gabelentz (1840-1893). In speaking of the biological basis of man’s language capacity, he only mentioned the upright posture and man’s unencumbered chest as factors which may have facilitated development of language in the human species. The psychological origin of language was sought in jealousy, boredom, playfulness or other mental and physical needs. Linguistics should not be a natural science, and only man’s ability to order his thoughts could be profitably subjected to the method of scientific psychology. The most important function of language, the expression of connected thoughts and concepts, could only be studied by means of logical analysis and metaphysics [97]. Steinthal’s hope that language would be considered in a broader frame had not been realized in linguistics.
如果沒有其他的功能，大腦語言功能的基本重要性已經由失語症的運作完成建立。然而無論是大腦也不是失語症中，提到的一本最重要的語言書籍，出版於1891年由喬治馮德加貝倫茨（ 1840至1893年） 。在談到生物學基礎上人的語言能力，他只提到了直立的姿勢和人的支配胸部的因素可能有利於人類物種在語言上的發展。心理起源的語言是尋求嫉妒，無聊，遊戲或其他精神和肉體的需要。而語言學不應該是一個自然的科學，只有人有能力去命令腦中想法，這樣可以獲得科學心理的方法。語言最重要的功能，是表達的聯繫思想和概念，這樣僅僅是研究邏輯分析方法和形而上學。施泰因塔爾希望，將語言在更廣泛的範圍內去實現語言學。
2008年10月1日 星期三
LB 394-395T 怡萱
CH 9. Ⅴ.
With respect to language, we should like to know how narrowly defined the biological matrix is. This is entirely an empirical question, and the objective is not to find out whether the environment is necessary (it clearly is) and not even how much or what it contributes to the development of language (the answers are almost too obvious to deserve much attention)；the only thoroughly interesting problem here is to discover the range of possible alternatives to the common modes of internal organization for language processing. At present, we have only indirect clues (language universals, common age for language onset, and a universal strategy for language acquisition), and these point to great specificity of the underlying matrix.
至於語言方面，我們要知道如何嚴格界定生物矩陣。這完全是一個經驗性的問題，目標不是找出發展語言是否需要環境（這是顯而易見的）和甚至有多少或什麼方式有助於發展語言（答案幾乎明顯到值得重視） ;這個唯一有趣的問題是，要發現各種可能替代共同的內部組織語言處理的模式。目前，我們只能用間接線索（語言共通性，語言開始的共同年齡，和一個語言習得普遍的策酪） ，這些是基本矩陣的重大特殊指向。
In the light of these comments we may ask now,” Just what is postulated to be innate in language behavior?” Essentially the modes of categorization as discussed in Chapter Seven and Eight. This is an aspect of the latent structure. Innate also is the general mode actualization process but no particular aspect of the realized structure. Thus, no features that are characteristic of only certain natural languages, either particulars of syntax, or phonology, or semantics, are assumed here to be innate. However, there are many reasons to believe that the processes by which the realized, outer structure of a natural language comes about are deeply-rooted, species-specific, innate properties of man's biological nature.
根據這些意見，我們現在可能會問: “究竟什麼是是天生的語言行為的必要條件？ ”第七章和第八章中討論分類方式的本質。這是一個潛在結構的面向。先天也是一般模式實現的過程，但沒有特別去實現結構的面向。因此，只有限於自然語言中的功能和特點，無論是細部的句法，或音韻，或語意，在這裡假設語言是天生的。然而，有許多理由可以相信這些實現的過程，像是外部結構的一種自然的語言來的是根深蒂固的，具體的物種情況，人類生物性質的天生特性。
With respect to language, we should like to know how narrowly defined the biological matrix is. This is entirely an empirical question, and the objective is not to find out whether the environment is necessary (it clearly is) and not even how much or what it contributes to the development of language (the answers are almost too obvious to deserve much attention)；the only thoroughly interesting problem here is to discover the range of possible alternatives to the common modes of internal organization for language processing. At present, we have only indirect clues (language universals, common age for language onset, and a universal strategy for language acquisition), and these point to great specificity of the underlying matrix.
至於語言方面，我們要知道如何嚴格界定生物矩陣。這完全是一個經驗性的問題，目標不是找出發展語言是否需要環境（這是顯而易見的）和甚至有多少或什麼方式有助於發展語言（答案幾乎明顯到值得重視） ;這個唯一有趣的問題是，要發現各種可能替代共同的內部組織語言處理的模式。目前，我們只能用間接線索（語言共通性，語言開始的共同年齡，和一個語言習得普遍的策酪） ，這些是基本矩陣的重大特殊指向。
In the light of these comments we may ask now,” Just what is postulated to be innate in language behavior?” Essentially the modes of categorization as discussed in Chapter Seven and Eight. This is an aspect of the latent structure. Innate also is the general mode actualization process but no particular aspect of the realized structure. Thus, no features that are characteristic of only certain natural languages, either particulars of syntax, or phonology, or semantics, are assumed here to be innate. However, there are many reasons to believe that the processes by which the realized, outer structure of a natural language comes about are deeply-rooted, species-specific, innate properties of man's biological nature.
根據這些意見，我們現在可能會問: “究竟什麼是是天生的語言行為的必要條件？ ”第七章和第八章中討論分類方式的本質。這是一個潛在結構的面向。先天也是一般模式實現的過程，但沒有特別去實現結構的面向。因此，只有限於自然語言中的功能和特點，無論是細部的句法，或音韻，或語意，在這裡假設語言是天生的。然而，有許多理由可以相信這些實現的過程，像是外部結構的一種自然的語言來的是根深蒂固的，具體的物種情況，人類生物性質的天生特性。
REFERENCES
Chomsky, N.(1963), Formal properties of grammars, in Handbook of Mathematical psychology, R. D, Luce, R. R. Bush, and E. Galanter(eds.), Vol. II, John Wiley and Sons, New York.
Chonsky, N. and Miller, G. A.(1963), Introduction to the formal analysis of natural languages, in Handbooks of Mathematical Psychology, R. D. Luce, R. R. Bush, and E. Galanter(eds.), Vol.II, John Wikey and Sons, New York.
Cowgill, W.(1963), A search for universals in Indo-European diachronic morphology, in Universals of Language, J. H. Greenberg(ed.), M.I.T. Press, Cambridge, Mass.
Hockett, C. F.(1950), Age-grading and linguistic continuity, Language 26:449-457.
Hoenigswald, H. M. (1963), Are there universals of linguistic change? in Universals of Language, J. H. Greenberg(ed.), M.I.T. Press, Cambridge, Mass.
Miller, G. A. and Chomsky, N. (1963), Finitary models of language users , in Handbook of Mathematical psychology, R. D, Luce, R. R. Bush, and E. Galanter(eds.), Vol. II, John Wiley and Sons, New York.
Sapir, E. (1921), Language : an introduction to the study of speech, Harcourt, Brace and World, New York
2008年9月24日 星期三
LB Preface Para 6-7 T 伊津 怡萱
Preface Para. 6. 7
Ideas do not grow in vacuo. Throughout my fifteen years of residence in the Cambridge area, I have greatly profited from courses taken and given, from conversations, and from general interaction with colleagues and students. I wish to mention particularly Gorge v. Bekesy, Roger Brown, Jerome Bruner, Noam Chomsky, George Gardner, George Miller, and Peter Wolff. All of them have discussed various aspects of this book with me, and most have read and commented upon several chapters or the entire manuscript. I am also indebted to Hans-Lukas Teuber for critically reading Chapters one and five; to A. H Schultz and George Erikson for advising me on Chapter two; to Philip Liberman and Arthur House for commenting on Chapter three; to M. Kinsbourne for reading chapter four; to Charles Gross and Peter Huttenlocher for criticisms of Chapter five; to H. Burla, Hans Kalmus, and Ernst Mayr for reading various versions of Chapter six; and to DeLee Latz for comments and criticisms on Chapter eight.
想法並非憑空而來。住在劍橋的期間，上課與聽課時與同事和學生的交流，使我獲益良多。我要特別感謝Georg v। Békésy,Roger Brown, Jerome Bruner, Noam Chomsky, George Gardner, George Miller, 還有 Peter Wolff。 他們皆與我討論過書中的許多部份，大多數人曾評論或閱讀過好幾個章節或整個手稿。我也要感謝Hans-Lukas Teuber，謝謝他對第一章和第五章的批評指教; 還要感謝 A। H Schultz 和 George Erikson， 他們給了許多第二章的建議;感謝 Philip Liberman and Arthur House 評論了第三章; 感謝 M। Kinsbourne閱讀第四章; 感謝Charles Gross和 Peter Huttenlocher 對第五章的批評; 感謝H। Burla, Hans Kalmus和 Ernst Mayr 閱讀了第六章的各個版本;感謝 DeLee Lantz 對第八章的評論與批評。
Most of my research reported here was carried out under the auspices of The Children’s Hospital Medical Center and Harvard Medical School, the Psychological Laboratories, and the Center for Cognitive Studies oh Harvard University, and it is a pleasure to acknowledge their generous hospitality here।
在兒童醫院醫療中心、哈佛醫學院、院中的心理實驗室和哈佛大學認知研究中心的贊助之下，在這些地方完成了我書本中大多數的研究報告，由衷地感謝這些機構為此研究熱情的款待。
2008年6月12日 星期四
19 What's in CVC-like things
Natural Language Processing Enabling machines to understand and respond to what people mean, so they can interact with a computer naturally – without having to adapt their behavior to a computer's limitations.
Resolving ambiguities in written and spoken language requires analyzing grammar, concepts, context, and human knowledge. For example:
"The company is ready to sell” is not easy for a computer to understand because the sentence is syntactically ambiguous – is the company opening for business, or does it want to be acquired?
Resolving this ambiguity requires understanding the context: is the sentence in the middle of an article on mergers and acquisitions? Or is the sentence followed by “Its shelves are stocked with all the hot products"? This succeeding sentence is helpful only if the computer understands that the possessive pronoun “its” refers to the company, and that “stocked” and “products” are more relevant to selling goods than to being acquired.
19.1
-Sound produced
-Physical construct
-Language and linguistic structure
19.1.1 Language as a formal system
-language and linguistic structure as” things
-set of sentence
19.1.2 Language as physical reality
-analogous to that of electrons in physics
-stream of speech
19.1.3language as a psychological reality
-mental code
-language process
Resolving ambiguities in written and spoken language requires analyzing grammar, concepts, context, and human knowledge. For example:
"The company is ready to sell” is not easy for a computer to understand because the sentence is syntactically ambiguous – is the company opening for business, or does it want to be acquired?
Resolving this ambiguity requires understanding the context: is the sentence in the middle of an article on mergers and acquisitions? Or is the sentence followed by “Its shelves are stocked with all the hot products"? This succeeding sentence is helpful only if the computer understands that the possessive pronoun “its” refers to the company, and that “stocked” and “products” are more relevant to selling goods than to being acquired.
19.1
-Sound produced
-Physical construct
-Language and linguistic structure
19.1.1 Language as a formal system
-language and linguistic structure as” things
-set of sentence
19.1.2 Language as physical reality
-analogous to that of electrons in physics
-stream of speech
19.1.3language as a psychological reality
-mental code
-language process
7 Issue of Phonological Cpmplexity
˙in the first three comparison syllable structure is compared with the segment inventory variables
˙Two measures of vowel inventory shows a systematic relationship with syllable complexity.
˙Posthoc comparisons show that only the comparison between none and complex reaches significance
˙The final comparison is between the two categories variables reflecting complexity of syllable structure and tone system.
˙Post hoc
Post hoc is a Latin phrase, meaning "after this" or "after the event". It may refer to:
Post hoc ergo propter hoc, a logical fallacy
Post-hoc analysis, a form of statistical analysis
˙Fallacy: Post Hoc
Reference: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
http://www.nizkor.org/features/fallacies/post-hoc.html
˙Two measures of vowel inventory shows a systematic relationship with syllable complexity.
˙Posthoc comparisons show that only the comparison between none and complex reaches significance
˙The final comparison is between the two categories variables reflecting complexity of syllable structure and tone system.
˙Post hoc
Post hoc is a Latin phrase, meaning "after this" or "after the event". It may refer to:
Post hoc ergo propter hoc, a logical fallacy
Post-hoc analysis, a form of statistical analysis
˙Fallacy: Post Hoc
Reference: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
http://www.nizkor.org/features/fallacies/post-hoc.html
18 Controlled and Mechanical Properties
18.1Experimental approch
A.many of the properties encoded in the target pronunciation are manifested in the temporal domain
B.most of these properties are language-specific and are not phonetic universals resulting from vocal tract constraints
C. these effects are used by listeners in speech perception
D. perception constrains motor strategies, intended properties will be rescaled in duration across different rate and prosodic variations
18.2 Vowel Nasalization
Vowel Nasalization in American English /PDF 6-10 August 2007
A.many of the properties encoded in the target pronunciation are manifested in the temporal domain
B.most of these properties are language-specific and are not phonetic universals resulting from vocal tract constraints
C. these effects are used by listeners in speech perception
D. perception constrains motor strategies, intended properties will be rescaled in duration across different rate and prosodic variations
18.2 Vowel Nasalization
Vowel Nasalization in American English /PDF 6-10 August 2007
9 Perception , Variation, and Sound Change
Sound change
It has been suggested that this article or section be merged with phonological change. (Discuss)
This article does not cite any references or sources. (November 2006)Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unverifiable material may be challenged and removed.
Note: This page or section contains IPA phonetic symbols in Unicode. See Help:IPA for a pronunciation key.
Sound change includes any processes of language change that affect pronunciation (phonetic change) or word structures (phonemic change). Sound change can consist of the replacement of one speech sound (or, more generally, one phonetic feature) by another, the complete loss of the affected sound, and (rarely) even the introduction of a new sound in a place where there previously was none. Sound changes can be environmentally conditioned, meaning that the change in question only occurs in a defined sound environment, whereas in other environments the same speech sound is not affected by the change.
Sound change is assumed to be usually regular, which means that it is expected to apply mechanically whenever its structural condition is met, irrespective of any non-phonological factors (such as the meaning of the words affected). On the other hand, sound changes can sometimes be sporadic, affecting only one particular word or a few words, without any seeming regularity.
Of regular sound changes, the somewhat hyperbolic term sound law is also sometimes used. This term was introduced by the Neogrammarian school in the 19th century and is still commonly applied to some historically important sound changes, such as Grimm's law. While real-world sound changes often admit of exceptions (for a variety of known reasons, and sometimes without a known reason), the expectation of their regularity or "exceptionlessness" is of great heuristic value, since it allows historical linguists to define the notion of regular correspondence (see: comparative method).
Each sound change is limited in space and time. It means it functions within a specified area (only in some dialects) and within a specified period of time. These limitations are some of the reasons for which some scholars refuse using the term "sound law" (asserting that laws should not have such spatial and temporal limitations) and replace it with phonetic rule.
Contents
1 The formal notation of sound change
2 Principles of sound change
3 Terms for changes in pronunciation
4 Examples of specific historical sound changes
5 External links
˙LNG 201/ENGL 202Prof. G. Steinberg Sound Changes
˙Contextual Variations in Implicit Evaluation /PDF
Reference: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sound_change
It has been suggested that this article or section be merged with phonological change. (Discuss)
This article does not cite any references or sources. (November 2006)Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unverifiable material may be challenged and removed.
Note: This page or section contains IPA phonetic symbols in Unicode. See Help:IPA for a pronunciation key.
Sound change includes any processes of language change that affect pronunciation (phonetic change) or word structures (phonemic change). Sound change can consist of the replacement of one speech sound (or, more generally, one phonetic feature) by another, the complete loss of the affected sound, and (rarely) even the introduction of a new sound in a place where there previously was none. Sound changes can be environmentally conditioned, meaning that the change in question only occurs in a defined sound environment, whereas in other environments the same speech sound is not affected by the change.
Sound change is assumed to be usually regular, which means that it is expected to apply mechanically whenever its structural condition is met, irrespective of any non-phonological factors (such as the meaning of the words affected). On the other hand, sound changes can sometimes be sporadic, affecting only one particular word or a few words, without any seeming regularity.
Of regular sound changes, the somewhat hyperbolic term sound law is also sometimes used. This term was introduced by the Neogrammarian school in the 19th century and is still commonly applied to some historically important sound changes, such as Grimm's law. While real-world sound changes often admit of exceptions (for a variety of known reasons, and sometimes without a known reason), the expectation of their regularity or "exceptionlessness" is of great heuristic value, since it allows historical linguists to define the notion of regular correspondence (see: comparative method).
Each sound change is limited in space and time. It means it functions within a specified area (only in some dialects) and within a specified period of time. These limitations are some of the reasons for which some scholars refuse using the term "sound law" (asserting that laws should not have such spatial and temporal limitations) and replace it with phonetic rule.
Contents
1 The formal notation of sound change
2 Principles of sound change
3 Terms for changes in pronunciation
4 Examples of specific historical sound changes
5 External links
˙LNG 201/ENGL 202Prof. G. Steinberg Sound Changes
˙Contextual Variations in Implicit Evaluation /PDF
Reference: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sound_change
2008年6月8日 星期日
15 Discourse : Language comprehension in context
Discourse
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
For other uses, see Discourses.
This article may require cleanup to meet Wikipedia's quality standards.Please improve this article if you can. (March 2007)
Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to:
Discourse
Philosophy Portal
Discourse (L. discursus, "running to and from") means either "written or spoken communication or debate" or "a formal discussion or debate" [1]. The term is often used in semantics and discourse analysis.
In semantics, discourses are linguistic units composed of several sentences; in other words, conversations, arguments, or speeches. In discourse analysis, which came to prominence in the late 1960s, the word "discourse" is shorthand for "discursive formation", which is what Michel Foucault called communication that involves specialized knowledge of various kinds. It is in this sense that the word is most often used in academic studies.
Studies of discourse have been carried out within a variety of traditions that investigate the relations between language, structure and agency, including feminist studies, anthropology, enthnography, cultural studies, literary theory and the history of ideas. Within these fields, the notion of discourse is itself subject to discourse, that is, debated on the basis of specialized knowledge. Discourse can be observed in the use of spoken, written and signed language and multimodal/multimedia forms of communication, and is not found only in 'non-fictional' or verbal materials.
Contents[hide]
1 The Social Scientific Conception of Discourse
2 Modernism
3 Structuralism
4 Postmodernism
5 Feminism
6 See also
8 References
9 External links
The Social Scientific Conception of Discourse
This section does not cite any references or sources. (April 2008)Please help improve this section by adding citations to reliable sources. Unverifiable material may be challenged and removed.
In the social sciences (following the work of Michel Foucault), a discourse is considered to be an institutionalized way of thinking, a social boundary defining what can be said about a specific topic, or, as Judith Butler puts it, "the limits of acceptable speech"—or possible truth. Discourses are seen to affect our views on all things; it is not possible to escape discourse. For example, two notably distinct discourses can be used about various guerrilla movements describing them either as "freedom fighters" or "terrorists". In other words, the chosen discourse delivers the vocabulary, expressions and perhaps also the style needed to communicate. Discourse is closely linked to different theories of power and state, at least as long as defining discourses is seen to mean defining reality itself.
This conception of discourse is largely derived from the work of French philosopher Michel Foucault (see below)
Modernism
Modern theorists were focused on achieving progress and believed in the existence of natural and social laws which could be used universally to develop knowledge and thus a better understanding of society [2]. Modernist theorists were preoccupied with obtaining the truth and reality and sought to develop theories which contained certainty and predictability [3]. Modernist theorists therefore viewed discourse as a being relative to talking or way of talking and understood discourse to be functional [4]. Discourse and language transformations are ascribed to progress or the need to develop new or more “accurate” words to describe new discoveries, understandings or areas of interest [5]. In modern times, language and discourse are dissociated from power and ideology and instead conceptualized as “natural” products of common sense usage or progress [6]. Modernism further gave rise to the liberal discourses of rights, equality, freedom and justice however this rhetoric masked the substantive inequality and failed to account for differences [7].
Structuralism
Structuralist theorists, such as Ferdinand de Saussure and Jacques Lacan, argue that all human actions and social formations are related to language and can be understood as systems of related elements [8]. This means that the “...individual elements of a system only have significance when considered in relation to the structure as a whole, and that structures are to be understood as self-contained, self-regulated, and self-transforming entities” [9]. In other words, it is the structure itself that determines the significance, meaning and function of the individual elements of a system. Structuralism has made an important contribution to our understanding of language and social systems. Saussure’s theory of language highlights the decisive role of meaning and signification in structuring human life more generally [10].
Postmodernism
Following the perceived limitations of the modern era, emerged postmodern theory [11]. Postmodern theorists rejected modernist claims that there was one theoretical approach that explained all aspects of society [12]. Rather, postmodernist theorists were interested in examining the variety of experience of individuals and groups and emphasized differences over similarities and common experiences [13].
In contrast to modern theory, postmodern theory is more fluid and allows for individual differences as it rejected the notion of social laws. Postmodern theorists shifted away from truth seeking and instead sought answers for how truths are produced and sustained. Postmodernists contended that truth and knowledge is plural, contextual, and historically produced through discourses. Postmodern researchers therefore embarked on analyzing discourses such as texts, language, policies and practices [14].
French social theorist Michel Foucault developed an entirely original notion of discourse in his early work, especially the Archaeology of Knowledge (1972). In Discursive Struggles Within Social Welfare: Restaging Teen Motherhood, [15] summarizes Foucault's definition of discourse as “systems of thoughts composed of ideas, attitudes, courses of action, beliefs and practices that systematically construct the subjects and the worlds of which they speak." He traces the role of discourses in wider social processes of legitimating and power, emphasizing the construction of current truths, how they are maintained and what power relations they carry with them.” Foucault later theorized that discourse is a medium through which power relations produce speaking subjects [16]. Foucault (1977, 1980) argued that power and knowledge are inter-related and therefore every human relationship is a struggle and negotiation of power. Foucault further stated that power is always present and can both produce and constrain the truth [17]. Discourse according to Foucault (1977, 1980, 2003) is related to power as it operates by rules of exclusion. Discourse therefore is controlled by objects, what can be spoken of, ritual, where and how one may speak and the privileged, who may speak [18]. Coining the phrases power-knowledge Foucault (1980) stated knowledge was both the creator of power and creation of power.
Feminism
Feminists have explored the complex relationships that exist among power, ideology, language and discourse.[19] Feminist theory talks about ‘doing gender’ and/or ‘performing gender’.[20] It is suggested that gender is a property, not of persons themselves but of the behaviours to which members of a society ascribe a gendering meaning. “Being a man/woman involves appropriating gendered behaviours and making them part of the self that an individual presents to others. Repeated over time, these behaviours may be internalized as ‘me’ – that is, gender does not feel like a performance or an accomplishment to the actor, it just feels like her or his ‘natural’ way of behaving”.[21] Feminist theorists have attempted to recover the subject and 'subjectivity'. Chris Weedon, one of the best known scholars working in the feminist poststructuralist tradition, has sought to integrate individual experience and social power in a theory of subjectivity.[22] Weedon defines subjectivity as 'the conscious and unconscious thoughts and emotions of the individual, her sense of herself, and her ways of understanding her relation to the world.[23] Judith Butler, also another well known post structuralist feminist scholar, explains that the performativity of gender offers an important contribution to the conceptual understanding of processes of subversion. She argues that subversion occurs through the enactment of an identity that is repeated in directions that go back and forth which then results in the displacement of the original goals of dominant forms of power.[24]
See also
Foucault's episteme
Critical discourse analysis
Political discourse analysis
Postcolonial literature
Parrhesia
Discourse Community
References
S. Best & D. Kellner (1997). The postmodern turn. The Guilford Press.
M. Foucault (1972). Archaeology of knowledge. New York: Pantheon.
M. Foucault (1977). Discipline and Punish. New York: Pantheon.
M. Foucault (1980). "Two Lectures," in Colin Gordon, ed., Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews.. New York: Pantheon.
M. Foucault (2003). Society Must Be Defended. New York: Picador.
D. Howarth (2000). Discourse. Philadelphia, Pa.: Open University Press.
J. Larrain (1994). "Ideology and cultural identity: Modernity and the third world presence". Cambridge: Polity Press.
I. Lessa (2006). "Discoursive struggles within social welfare: Restaging teen motherhood". British Journal of Social Work 36: 283–298.
A. McHoul & W. Grace (1993). A Foucault primer: Discourse, power, and the subject. Melborne: Melborne University Press.
J. Motion & S. Leitch (2007). "A toolbox for public relations: The oeuvre of Michel Foucault". Public Relations Review 33 (3): 263–268.
R. Mullaly (1997). Structural social work: Ideology, theory, and practice, 2nd ed, New York: Oxford University Press.
B. Norton (1997). "Language, identity, and the ownership of English". TESOL Quarterly 31 (3): 409–429.
Research as resistance: Critical, indigenous and anti-oppressive approaches.(2005). In Brown L. A., Strega S. (Eds.), Toronto: Canadian Scholars' Press.
S. Strega (2005). The view from the poststructural margins: Epistemology and methodology reconsidered. In L. Brown, & S. Strega (Eds.), Research as resistance (pp. 199-235). Toronto: Canadian Scholars' Press.
J. Sunderland (2004). Gendered discourses. New York: PalgraveMacmillan.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
For other uses, see Discourses.
This article may require cleanup to meet Wikipedia's quality standards.Please improve this article if you can. (March 2007)
Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to:
Discourse
Philosophy Portal
Discourse (L. discursus, "running to and from") means either "written or spoken communication or debate" or "a formal discussion or debate" [1]. The term is often used in semantics and discourse analysis.
In semantics, discourses are linguistic units composed of several sentences; in other words, conversations, arguments, or speeches. In discourse analysis, which came to prominence in the late 1960s, the word "discourse" is shorthand for "discursive formation", which is what Michel Foucault called communication that involves specialized knowledge of various kinds. It is in this sense that the word is most often used in academic studies.
Studies of discourse have been carried out within a variety of traditions that investigate the relations between language, structure and agency, including feminist studies, anthropology, enthnography, cultural studies, literary theory and the history of ideas. Within these fields, the notion of discourse is itself subject to discourse, that is, debated on the basis of specialized knowledge. Discourse can be observed in the use of spoken, written and signed language and multimodal/multimedia forms of communication, and is not found only in 'non-fictional' or verbal materials.
Contents[hide]
1 The Social Scientific Conception of Discourse
2 Modernism
3 Structuralism
4 Postmodernism
5 Feminism
6 See also
8 References
9 External links
The Social Scientific Conception of Discourse
This section does not cite any references or sources. (April 2008)Please help improve this section by adding citations to reliable sources. Unverifiable material may be challenged and removed.
In the social sciences (following the work of Michel Foucault), a discourse is considered to be an institutionalized way of thinking, a social boundary defining what can be said about a specific topic, or, as Judith Butler puts it, "the limits of acceptable speech"—or possible truth. Discourses are seen to affect our views on all things; it is not possible to escape discourse. For example, two notably distinct discourses can be used about various guerrilla movements describing them either as "freedom fighters" or "terrorists". In other words, the chosen discourse delivers the vocabulary, expressions and perhaps also the style needed to communicate. Discourse is closely linked to different theories of power and state, at least as long as defining discourses is seen to mean defining reality itself.
This conception of discourse is largely derived from the work of French philosopher Michel Foucault (see below)
Modernism
Modern theorists were focused on achieving progress and believed in the existence of natural and social laws which could be used universally to develop knowledge and thus a better understanding of society [2]. Modernist theorists were preoccupied with obtaining the truth and reality and sought to develop theories which contained certainty and predictability [3]. Modernist theorists therefore viewed discourse as a being relative to talking or way of talking and understood discourse to be functional [4]. Discourse and language transformations are ascribed to progress or the need to develop new or more “accurate” words to describe new discoveries, understandings or areas of interest [5]. In modern times, language and discourse are dissociated from power and ideology and instead conceptualized as “natural” products of common sense usage or progress [6]. Modernism further gave rise to the liberal discourses of rights, equality, freedom and justice however this rhetoric masked the substantive inequality and failed to account for differences [7].
Structuralism
Structuralist theorists, such as Ferdinand de Saussure and Jacques Lacan, argue that all human actions and social formations are related to language and can be understood as systems of related elements [8]. This means that the “...individual elements of a system only have significance when considered in relation to the structure as a whole, and that structures are to be understood as self-contained, self-regulated, and self-transforming entities” [9]. In other words, it is the structure itself that determines the significance, meaning and function of the individual elements of a system. Structuralism has made an important contribution to our understanding of language and social systems. Saussure’s theory of language highlights the decisive role of meaning and signification in structuring human life more generally [10].
Postmodernism
Following the perceived limitations of the modern era, emerged postmodern theory [11]. Postmodern theorists rejected modernist claims that there was one theoretical approach that explained all aspects of society [12]. Rather, postmodernist theorists were interested in examining the variety of experience of individuals and groups and emphasized differences over similarities and common experiences [13].
In contrast to modern theory, postmodern theory is more fluid and allows for individual differences as it rejected the notion of social laws. Postmodern theorists shifted away from truth seeking and instead sought answers for how truths are produced and sustained. Postmodernists contended that truth and knowledge is plural, contextual, and historically produced through discourses. Postmodern researchers therefore embarked on analyzing discourses such as texts, language, policies and practices [14].
French social theorist Michel Foucault developed an entirely original notion of discourse in his early work, especially the Archaeology of Knowledge (1972). In Discursive Struggles Within Social Welfare: Restaging Teen Motherhood, [15] summarizes Foucault's definition of discourse as “systems of thoughts composed of ideas, attitudes, courses of action, beliefs and practices that systematically construct the subjects and the worlds of which they speak." He traces the role of discourses in wider social processes of legitimating and power, emphasizing the construction of current truths, how they are maintained and what power relations they carry with them.” Foucault later theorized that discourse is a medium through which power relations produce speaking subjects [16]. Foucault (1977, 1980) argued that power and knowledge are inter-related and therefore every human relationship is a struggle and negotiation of power. Foucault further stated that power is always present and can both produce and constrain the truth [17]. Discourse according to Foucault (1977, 1980, 2003) is related to power as it operates by rules of exclusion. Discourse therefore is controlled by objects, what can be spoken of, ritual, where and how one may speak and the privileged, who may speak [18]. Coining the phrases power-knowledge Foucault (1980) stated knowledge was both the creator of power and creation of power.
Feminism
Feminists have explored the complex relationships that exist among power, ideology, language and discourse.[19] Feminist theory talks about ‘doing gender’ and/or ‘performing gender’.[20] It is suggested that gender is a property, not of persons themselves but of the behaviours to which members of a society ascribe a gendering meaning. “Being a man/woman involves appropriating gendered behaviours and making them part of the self that an individual presents to others. Repeated over time, these behaviours may be internalized as ‘me’ – that is, gender does not feel like a performance or an accomplishment to the actor, it just feels like her or his ‘natural’ way of behaving”.[21] Feminist theorists have attempted to recover the subject and 'subjectivity'. Chris Weedon, one of the best known scholars working in the feminist poststructuralist tradition, has sought to integrate individual experience and social power in a theory of subjectivity.[22] Weedon defines subjectivity as 'the conscious and unconscious thoughts and emotions of the individual, her sense of herself, and her ways of understanding her relation to the world.[23] Judith Butler, also another well known post structuralist feminist scholar, explains that the performativity of gender offers an important contribution to the conceptual understanding of processes of subversion. She argues that subversion occurs through the enactment of an identity that is repeated in directions that go back and forth which then results in the displacement of the original goals of dominant forms of power.[24]
See also
Foucault's episteme
Critical discourse analysis
Political discourse analysis
Postcolonial literature
Parrhesia
Discourse Community
References
S. Best & D. Kellner (1997). The postmodern turn. The Guilford Press.
M. Foucault (1972). Archaeology of knowledge. New York: Pantheon.
M. Foucault (1977). Discipline and Punish. New York: Pantheon.
M. Foucault (1980). "Two Lectures," in Colin Gordon, ed., Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews.. New York: Pantheon.
M. Foucault (2003). Society Must Be Defended. New York: Picador.
D. Howarth (2000). Discourse. Philadelphia, Pa.: Open University Press.
J. Larrain (1994). "Ideology and cultural identity: Modernity and the third world presence". Cambridge: Polity Press.
I. Lessa (2006). "Discoursive struggles within social welfare: Restaging teen motherhood". British Journal of Social Work 36: 283–298.
A. McHoul & W. Grace (1993). A Foucault primer: Discourse, power, and the subject. Melborne: Melborne University Press.
J. Motion & S. Leitch (2007). "A toolbox for public relations: The oeuvre of Michel Foucault". Public Relations Review 33 (3): 263–268.
R. Mullaly (1997). Structural social work: Ideology, theory, and practice, 2nd ed, New York: Oxford University Press.
B. Norton (1997). "Language, identity, and the ownership of English". TESOL Quarterly 31 (3): 409–429.
Research as resistance: Critical, indigenous and anti-oppressive approaches.(2005). In Brown L. A., Strega S. (Eds.), Toronto: Canadian Scholars' Press.
S. Strega (2005). The view from the poststructural margins: Epistemology and methodology reconsidered. In L. Brown, & S. Strega (Eds.), Research as resistance (pp. 199-235). Toronto: Canadian Scholars' Press.
J. Sunderland (2004). Gendered discourses. New York: PalgraveMacmillan.
10 Lexical semantics
Lexical semantics
Lexical semantics is a subfield of linguistic semantics. It is the study of how and what the words of a language denote (Pustejovsky, 1995). Words may either be taken to denote things in the world, or concepts, depending on the particular approach to lexical semantics.
The units of meaning in lexical semantics are lexical units. One can continually add new lexical units throughout one's life, learning new words and their meanings. By contrast, one can only easily learn the grammatical rules of one's native language during a critical period when one is young.
Lexical semantics covers theories of the classification and decomposition of word meaning, the differences and similarities in lexical semantic structure between different languages, and the relationship of word meaning to sentence meaning and syntax.
One question that lexical semantics explores is whether the meaning of a lexical unit is established by looking at its neighbourhood in the semantic net (by looking at the other words it occurs with in natural sentences), or if the meaning is already locally contained in the lexical unit. Another topic that is explored is the mapping of words to concepts. As tools, lexical relations like synonymy, antonymy (opposites), hyponymy and hypernymy are used in this field.
See also
Lexical chain
Lexical markup framework
Lexicology
Ontology
Polysemy
Thematic role
Word sense
References
Philip Edmonds on near-synonyms (Chapter 4.1 Lexical semantics)
Bibliography of linguistics papers dealing with lexical semantics
The Lexical Semantics of a Machine Translation Interlingua by Rick Morneau
Lexical Semantics by D.A. Cruse. Cambridge University Press, 1986. ISBN 0-521-27643-8
Pustejovsky, James, The Generative Lexicon, 1995, MIT Press; presents a theory of lexical semantics.
This linguistics article is a stub. You can help Wikipedia by expanding it.
Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lexical_semantics"
From Semantic Enhancement of Lexical-Semantic Resources
TLC:"The teachable language comprehender", a program designed to be capable of being taught to 'comprehened' English text.
Lexical semantics is a subfield of linguistic semantics. It is the study of how and what the words of a language denote (Pustejovsky, 1995). Words may either be taken to denote things in the world, or concepts, depending on the particular approach to lexical semantics.
The units of meaning in lexical semantics are lexical units. One can continually add new lexical units throughout one's life, learning new words and their meanings. By contrast, one can only easily learn the grammatical rules of one's native language during a critical period when one is young.
Lexical semantics covers theories of the classification and decomposition of word meaning, the differences and similarities in lexical semantic structure between different languages, and the relationship of word meaning to sentence meaning and syntax.
One question that lexical semantics explores is whether the meaning of a lexical unit is established by looking at its neighbourhood in the semantic net (by looking at the other words it occurs with in natural sentences), or if the meaning is already locally contained in the lexical unit. Another topic that is explored is the mapping of words to concepts. As tools, lexical relations like synonymy, antonymy (opposites), hyponymy and hypernymy are used in this field.
See also
Lexical chain
Lexical markup framework
Lexicology
Ontology
Polysemy
Thematic role
Word sense
References
Philip Edmonds on near-synonyms (Chapter 4.1 Lexical semantics)
Bibliography of linguistics papers dealing with lexical semantics
The Lexical Semantics of a Machine Translation Interlingua by Rick Morneau
Lexical Semantics by D.A. Cruse. Cambridge University Press, 1986. ISBN 0-521-27643-8
Pustejovsky, James, The Generative Lexicon, 1995, MIT Press; presents a theory of lexical semantics.
This linguistics article is a stub. You can help Wikipedia by expanding it.
Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lexical_semantics"
From Semantic Enhancement of Lexical-Semantic Resources
TLC:"The teachable language comprehender", a program designed to be capable of being taught to 'comprehened' English text.
科學家現可'解讀'人的心思
美國科學家發現人們在看不同物體的時候大腦會有不同的活動，這些活動會在大腦掃描圖上會呈現特定的圖像。這意味著通過研究人腦掃描圖，研究人員最終可以歸納出那個人當時心中所想。
此前所進行的研究已經顯示，人腦顳腦葉上的特定區域會對人臉、房屋或地方做出反應。
但是美國國家腦健康學院的研究人員發現整個顳腦葉都會做出反應，而且不同的物體會令顳腦葉在掃描圖上呈現不同的圖案。他們的研究報告發表在學術刊物《科學》雜誌上
腦健康學院大腦認知實驗室的赫克斯比博士認為，這項研究可以幫助研究人員解讀大腦對不同物體或人臉做出的反應，瞭解各種物體和人臉的信息是如何在"視覺、結構以及語義上發生聯繫的"。
某研究對象的大腦對鞋的反應
赫克斯比博士說："大腦掃描圖不僅可以向我們顯示大腦何時會對信息進行編碼，還可以幫助我們瞭解這種過程是如何進行的。"
人的大腦之內有一個特定區域負責辨認地點，但是這項研究發現這一部分大腦也會對鞋、貓或椅子等其他物體做出特定反應。他們將這稱為"物體形狀地形學"。
英國劍橋醫學研究學會認知及大腦科學小組的愛潑斯坦博士也對人腦顳腦葉進行了研究。他的研究發現在人們看到地點或房屋時，他們的顳腦葉會出現活動。
他表示，美國科學家的研究顯示面對相同的物體，不同人的大腦可能會做出不同的反應。
他還指出，這項研究可以用於對中風患者的治療上。醫生們可以通過研究患者的大腦掃描圖得知患者對哪些物體的認知受到了影響。
Referece:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/chinese/trad/hi/newsid_1570000/newsid_1570200/1570248.stm
此前所進行的研究已經顯示，人腦顳腦葉上的特定區域會對人臉、房屋或地方做出反應。
但是美國國家腦健康學院的研究人員發現整個顳腦葉都會做出反應，而且不同的物體會令顳腦葉在掃描圖上呈現不同的圖案。他們的研究報告發表在學術刊物《科學》雜誌上
腦健康學院大腦認知實驗室的赫克斯比博士認為，這項研究可以幫助研究人員解讀大腦對不同物體或人臉做出的反應，瞭解各種物體和人臉的信息是如何在"視覺、結構以及語義上發生聯繫的"。
某研究對象的大腦對鞋的反應
赫克斯比博士說："大腦掃描圖不僅可以向我們顯示大腦何時會對信息進行編碼，還可以幫助我們瞭解這種過程是如何進行的。"
人的大腦之內有一個特定區域負責辨認地點，但是這項研究發現這一部分大腦也會對鞋、貓或椅子等其他物體做出特定反應。他們將這稱為"物體形狀地形學"。
英國劍橋醫學研究學會認知及大腦科學小組的愛潑斯坦博士也對人腦顳腦葉進行了研究。他的研究發現在人們看到地點或房屋時，他們的顳腦葉會出現活動。
他表示，美國科學家的研究顯示面對相同的物體，不同人的大腦可能會做出不同的反應。
他還指出，這項研究可以用於對中風患者的治療上。醫生們可以通過研究患者的大腦掃描圖得知患者對哪些物體的認知受到了影響。
Referece:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/chinese/trad/hi/newsid_1570000/newsid_1570200/1570248.stm
嬰兒咿呀學語是早期的語言
科學家們說，嬰兒寶寶口中發出的比如吧，吧，吧或嗒，嗒，嗒的聲音是語言發展的第一步。
到目前為止，有些人指出，這種咿呀學語是講話的開始﹔而另外一些人則認為，寶寶們只是在發出一些沒有任何意思的聲響而已。
現在，美國和加拿大的科學家們表示，他們已經有證據可以證明嬰兒是在學習表達真正的語言。
他們發現，在嬰兒咿呀時，是在鍛煉左部大腦，而左部大腦是控制語言的部分。這種情況在五個月大的兒童就存在。
派蒂托教授指出，"這項發現首次顯示了嬰兒的左半腦對語言能力的鍛煉與成人一樣。這就意味著大腦中的語言功能從年齡很小就開始。"
這一結論是在研究人員對10名5個月到12個月大的嬰兒的生活錄像分析後得出的。
錄像中包括嬰兒咿呀、微笑以及發出其它聲音。
派蒂托教授和她的同事將錄像以慢鏡頭放出，來測量嬰兒們口部左邊和右邊的張開程度。
這種測量很重要，原因是左腦控制右臉，反之亦然。
他們在《科學》雜誌上撰文指出，嬰兒們在咿呀時嘴的右邊張開相對比較大。
但嬰兒微笑或發出其它聲音時，嘴的左邊張開相對較大。
這項研究可能會幫助解釋嬰兒咿呀時口型的變化，也可能有助於對語言障礙做出早期診斷。
Referece: BBC中文網
到目前為止，有些人指出，這種咿呀學語是講話的開始﹔而另外一些人則認為，寶寶們只是在發出一些沒有任何意思的聲響而已。
現在，美國和加拿大的科學家們表示，他們已經有證據可以證明嬰兒是在學習表達真正的語言。
他們發現，在嬰兒咿呀時，是在鍛煉左部大腦，而左部大腦是控制語言的部分。這種情況在五個月大的兒童就存在。
派蒂托教授指出，"這項發現首次顯示了嬰兒的左半腦對語言能力的鍛煉與成人一樣。這就意味著大腦中的語言功能從年齡很小就開始。"
這一結論是在研究人員對10名5個月到12個月大的嬰兒的生活錄像分析後得出的。
錄像中包括嬰兒咿呀、微笑以及發出其它聲音。
派蒂托教授和她的同事將錄像以慢鏡頭放出，來測量嬰兒們口部左邊和右邊的張開程度。
這種測量很重要，原因是左腦控制右臉，反之亦然。
他們在《科學》雜誌上撰文指出，嬰兒們在咿呀時嘴的右邊張開相對比較大。
但嬰兒微笑或發出其它聲音時，嘴的左邊張開相對較大。
這項研究可能會幫助解釋嬰兒咿呀時口型的變化，也可能有助於對語言障礙做出早期診斷。
Referece: BBC中文網
科學家發現腦白質決定語言天賦
語言天才之所以特殊，是因為他們的大腦擁有更多的處理聲音的腦白質。
與常人大腦相比，語言天才的大腦更不對稱。
科學家們的這項研究成果被發表在《大腦皮層》雜誌上。他們希望這項成果有助於解釋語言學習的困難。
科學家們的實驗調查對象全部是以法語為母語的人們。科學家從不同的外語中選出一個發音相似的聲音，即"d"。
第一個"d"是調查對象母語法語中的"d"。這個"d"以舌尖前伸，抵住上齒發出。
第二個"d"是印地語中的"d"。這個"d"以舌頭上捲，抵住上□發出。
接著，在這兩個"d"之後加上"a"，這樣被調查對象可以發出"da"的聲音。
這兩種"da"聲音的差別可以在40微秒的時間內中聽見。研究人員測試了所有參加者處理這一聲音信息的速度。
準確率超過80%以上的人被要求參加更多辨別相似聲音的測試。
其中速度最快的人可以在幾分鐘內就能夠說出眾多不同聲音的細微區別，而速度最慢的人即便在20分鐘以後還只能瞎猜。
腦白質
主持這項研究的倫敦大學戈勒斯塔尼教授說：有些人之所以具有語言天賦，是因為他們的大腦下部初生皮層處理聲音信息的部位擁有更多的腦白質。
她介紹說，大腦不同部分由纖維聯接，而語言天才的腦容量更大，這意味著這些人的大腦纖維更加厚。
腦白質對於聯接大腦各部有著重要作用。腦白質多，就意味著處理聲音的能力強。
掃描顯示：在處理聲音信息的左半腦，語言天才的腦白質多於常人。
Referece: BBC中文網
與常人大腦相比，語言天才的大腦更不對稱。
科學家們的這項研究成果被發表在《大腦皮層》雜誌上。他們希望這項成果有助於解釋語言學習的困難。
科學家們的實驗調查對象全部是以法語為母語的人們。科學家從不同的外語中選出一個發音相似的聲音，即"d"。
第一個"d"是調查對象母語法語中的"d"。這個"d"以舌尖前伸，抵住上齒發出。
第二個"d"是印地語中的"d"。這個"d"以舌頭上捲，抵住上□發出。
接著，在這兩個"d"之後加上"a"，這樣被調查對象可以發出"da"的聲音。
這兩種"da"聲音的差別可以在40微秒的時間內中聽見。研究人員測試了所有參加者處理這一聲音信息的速度。
準確率超過80%以上的人被要求參加更多辨別相似聲音的測試。
其中速度最快的人可以在幾分鐘內就能夠說出眾多不同聲音的細微區別，而速度最慢的人即便在20分鐘以後還只能瞎猜。
腦白質
主持這項研究的倫敦大學戈勒斯塔尼教授說：有些人之所以具有語言天賦，是因為他們的大腦下部初生皮層處理聲音信息的部位擁有更多的腦白質。
她介紹說，大腦不同部分由纖維聯接，而語言天才的腦容量更大，這意味著這些人的大腦纖維更加厚。
腦白質對於聯接大腦各部有著重要作用。腦白質多，就意味著處理聲音的能力強。
掃描顯示：在處理聲音信息的左半腦，語言天才的腦白質多於常人。
Referece: BBC中文網
說漢語者使用大腦更多部分
英國的研究人員發現，說漢語普通話的人可能比說英語的人用更多大腦。研究表明，說漢語普通話者講話時同時使用大腦兩邊。
說英語者只使用大腦一邊。研究人員說，這項研究能夠促進瞭解大腦處理語言的過程。
另外，這項研究還可以幫助研究人員找到更好的辦法，幫助人們在中風或者腦部受到類似損害後重新學習，掌握語言技能。
在這項研究中，操漢語普通話和操英語的兩組人接受腦部掃描。研究人員發現，人們講英語時，靠近左太陽穴的左顳葉開始活躍。
他們發現，大腦這個區域的功能是把發音聯繫起來，形成單個詞匯。
研究發現，人們說漢語時，左顳葉和右顳葉一起活躍。研究人員說，說不同語言時，人的大腦在以不同方式破譯語言。這就推翻了長期以來的看法。
漢語普通話十分難學。不同於操英語者，說漢語者使用音調區分不同詞的不同意思。比如"馬"音，用不同音調發音，可以是馬，媽等不同的意思。
Referece: BBC中文網
說英語者只使用大腦一邊。研究人員說，這項研究能夠促進瞭解大腦處理語言的過程。
另外，這項研究還可以幫助研究人員找到更好的辦法，幫助人們在中風或者腦部受到類似損害後重新學習，掌握語言技能。
在這項研究中，操漢語普通話和操英語的兩組人接受腦部掃描。研究人員發現，人們講英語時，靠近左太陽穴的左顳葉開始活躍。
他們發現，大腦這個區域的功能是把發音聯繫起來，形成單個詞匯。
研究發現，人們說漢語時，左顳葉和右顳葉一起活躍。研究人員說，說不同語言時，人的大腦在以不同方式破譯語言。這就推翻了長期以來的看法。
漢語普通話十分難學。不同於操英語者，說漢語者使用音調區分不同詞的不同意思。比如"馬"音，用不同音調發音，可以是馬，媽等不同的意思。
Referece: BBC中文網
專家稱學習外語影響大腦組織
大腦掃描顯示外語學習對腦組織的影響科學研究發現那些有外語能力的人的大腦與那些沒有外語能力的人的腦組織有不同的地方。
專家說，新研究發現可以說明為什麼那些從小學習外語的人，其外語能力超越那些成年時才學習外語的人。
大腦組織密度
專家對那些參與研究的人的大腦進行掃描。結果顯示，具有雙語能力的人的大腦左半球低位頂葉前極皮層（inferior parietal cortex）的“灰質”（Grey Matter）的密度比較高。
專家同時發現，那些在五歲之前學習外語的人身上的這種情況特別明顯。一個人開始學習外語的年齡越大，其大腦出現改變的幾率越低。
一直以來，科學家都知道，人的大腦可以在受到刺激的情況下出現轉變。不過，專家一直都不清楚究竟可以出現多大程度的改變。
新的研究顯示，語言學習可以在很大程度上改變大腦的結構。這種情況在小孩子身上特別明顯。
外語能力
英國倫敦大學學院的梅凱利博士領導的研究包括了25名“右撇子”。這些人只說英語。與此同時，小組也研究了同樣數目的在五歲前已經學習外語的人。
與此同時，專家也包括了33名在10到15歲期間學習外語的雙語英國人。這些人經常使用外語已經有最少五年時間。
專家為這些人進行大腦掃描。他們發現，有雙語能力的人的大腦左半球低位頂葉前極皮層的“灰質”密度高於那些沒有外語能力的人。
這種情況在那些在年幼時已經開始學習外語的人身上特別顯著。
不過，BBC科學事務記者羅根說，目前仍未解答的問題是，一個人在學懂外語之後，密度已經增高的大腦部分是否會令學習第三種或者第四種外語更加容易。
Referece: BBC中文網
專家說，新研究發現可以說明為什麼那些從小學習外語的人，其外語能力超越那些成年時才學習外語的人。
大腦組織密度
專家對那些參與研究的人的大腦進行掃描。結果顯示，具有雙語能力的人的大腦左半球低位頂葉前極皮層（inferior parietal cortex）的“灰質”（Grey Matter）的密度比較高。
專家同時發現，那些在五歲之前學習外語的人身上的這種情況特別明顯。一個人開始學習外語的年齡越大，其大腦出現改變的幾率越低。
一直以來，科學家都知道，人的大腦可以在受到刺激的情況下出現轉變。不過，專家一直都不清楚究竟可以出現多大程度的改變。
新的研究顯示，語言學習可以在很大程度上改變大腦的結構。這種情況在小孩子身上特別明顯。
外語能力
英國倫敦大學學院的梅凱利博士領導的研究包括了25名“右撇子”。這些人只說英語。與此同時，小組也研究了同樣數目的在五歲前已經學習外語的人。
與此同時，專家也包括了33名在10到15歲期間學習外語的雙語英國人。這些人經常使用外語已經有最少五年時間。
專家為這些人進行大腦掃描。他們發現，有雙語能力的人的大腦左半球低位頂葉前極皮層的“灰質”密度高於那些沒有外語能力的人。
這種情況在那些在年幼時已經開始學習外語的人身上特別顯著。
不過，BBC科學事務記者羅根說，目前仍未解答的問題是，一個人在學懂外語之後，密度已經增高的大腦部分是否會令學習第三種或者第四種外語更加容易。
Referece: BBC中文網
2008年6月5日 星期四
2008年6月2日 星期一
2008年5月29日 星期四
Prosodic Phonology
What is the important question in ponology
1. What is the sound system in phonology?
2. How is the tone and intonation act in phonology?
3. What is the experimental method in phonology?
4. how is the different in phonology about frame work: psychology、sociology and physics?
5. How is the frequency act in phonology?
6. What is the articulatory difference?
7. What is a phonological universal?
8. What are the language effects?
What is phonology?
Definition
Phonology is the study of how sounds are organized and used in natural languages
Phonology is just one of several aspects of language. It is related to other aspects such as phonetics, morphology, syntax, and pragmatics.
Comparison: Phonology and phonetics
Phonetics …
1.Is the basis for phonological analysis.
2.Analyzes the production of all human speech sounds, regardless of language.
Phonology …
1.Is the basis for further work in morphology, syntax, discourse, and orthography design.
2.Analyzes the sound patterns of a particular language by
˙determining which phonetic sounds are significant, and
˙explaining how these sounds are interpreted by the native speaker.
2. How is the tone and intonation act in phonology?
3. What is the experimental method in phonology?
4. how is the different in phonology about frame work: psychology、sociology and physics?
5. How is the frequency act in phonology?
6. What is the articulatory difference?
7. What is a phonological universal?
8. What are the language effects?
What is phonology?
Definition
Phonology is the study of how sounds are organized and used in natural languages
Phonology is just one of several aspects of language. It is related to other aspects such as phonetics, morphology, syntax, and pragmatics.
Comparison: Phonology and phonetics
Phonetics …
1.Is the basis for phonological analysis.
2.Analyzes the production of all human speech sounds, regardless of language.
Phonology …
1.Is the basis for further work in morphology, syntax, discourse, and orthography design.
2.Analyzes the sound patterns of a particular language by
˙determining which phonetic sounds are significant, and
˙explaining how these sounds are interpreted by the native speaker.
2008年5月26日 星期一
睡眠不足 大腦短路
美國科學家表示，睡眠不足可能造成大腦不穩定，使大腦突然短路。
新華網報導，美國賓州大學醫學院研究人員說，大腦清醒和睡眠兩種狀態就好比是燈亮著和熄滅的狀態。當睡眠不足時，大腦會在清醒和睡眠兩種狀態間頻繁快速轉換。在轉換過程中，大腦會出現瞬間功能喪失現象，就好像大腦短路。
研究人員透過核磁共振技術，觀察二十四名成人大腦。在一夜沒睡情況下，大腦多個區域都發生明顯瞬間功能喪失現象，像是注意力下降和視覺處理程序突然中斷等。而當這些人得到很好休息後，這些短路情況就不會發生。
研究人員警告，睡眠不足導致的大腦短路在生活上會有危險，例如汽車駕駛人，在行車過程中一旦出現幾秒短路，就可能釀成重大交通事故。
Reference: http://tw.news.yahoo.com/article/url/d/a/080526/1/zyjx.html
新華網報導，美國賓州大學醫學院研究人員說，大腦清醒和睡眠兩種狀態就好比是燈亮著和熄滅的狀態。當睡眠不足時，大腦會在清醒和睡眠兩種狀態間頻繁快速轉換。在轉換過程中，大腦會出現瞬間功能喪失現象，就好像大腦短路。
研究人員透過核磁共振技術，觀察二十四名成人大腦。在一夜沒睡情況下，大腦多個區域都發生明顯瞬間功能喪失現象，像是注意力下降和視覺處理程序突然中斷等。而當這些人得到很好休息後，這些短路情況就不會發生。
研究人員警告，睡眠不足導致的大腦短路在生活上會有危險，例如汽車駕駛人，在行車過程中一旦出現幾秒短路，就可能釀成重大交通事故。
Reference: http://tw.news.yahoo.com/article/url/d/a/080526/1/zyjx.html
2008年5月12日 星期一
The Secret -- 秘密
The secret website
1. 秘密被揭露了 * "吸引力法則" : 所有來到你人生中的一切人事物, 都是你以心靈意象將之吸引過來的 (而"心靈意象"即是你的所思所想) * 你是自己人生的編劇.導演與演員
2. 如此簡單的秘密 * 宇宙會回應你內在感覺的頻率&本質 * 鼓勵您持續以美好的情緒生活: 則你會持續地吸引更多符合這樣快樂情感的情境與人 (當情緒低迷, 你要懂得改變來改運喔; 音樂. 振奮自己...) * 情緒指引系統的回饋: 當你的行動或某個想法有負面感覺時 表示此所想和你真正想要 (在不對的道途上)
3. 秘密的運用步驟 * Ask: 向宇宙下訂單吧! 列出你的願望清單! * Answer: 整個宇宙會重新安排來回應你. * Receive: 請讓自己的思言行維持在與所欲一致的感受頻率上
4. 秘密絕招: 身臨其境 & 感恩 * 僵化的思維使你不斷地重蹈覆轍,而得到不變的結果. * 帶來豐盛圓滿的思維絕招: 感恩! 感恩使你對焦於喜悅富足的頻率. * 創造的思維絕招: 身臨其境的觀想! 它使你產生強大的吸引力.
5. 財富的秘密 * 注意你內在對金錢的觀念和關注焦點, 你無法一腳煞車,一腳油門. * 你無法透過外在物質的追逐, 而得到內在的幸福 ; 而是必先能感到內在的幸福喜悅, 它會自然地吸引外在對應的豐盛富足.
. 關係的秘密 * 你先好好愛自己，才能夠真正的愛別人 * 專注與感謝他人的優點上,他人會反映更多其優點給你
7. 健康的秘密 * 我們思維與情感真的會決定身體的物質結構和功能 * 壓力和失衡是身體疾病的主要原因, 讓身心平衡愉快, 能量自然順暢
8. 世界的秘密 * 當你極力對抗不想要的事物, 你反而強化了它存在的力量 * 資源不足是謊言; 世界的資源是足夠的, 資源匱乏是因為人類不分享.
9. 你的秘密 * 拋開受害者心態吧! 停止責備與歸罪外在或他人 * 承認您是靈性存有! 是你創造了自己生活/生命的實相
10. 生命的秘密 * 生命沒有那麼多的必須和限制, 它的本質是愛.自由和喜悅 * 找到和你內心共鳴感到美好的人事物, 追隨讓你幸福快樂的事物, 自然能找到富足與快樂幸福的源頭.
http://www.soultw.com/st/
1. 秘密被揭露了 * "吸引力法則" : 所有來到你人生中的一切人事物, 都是你以心靈意象將之吸引過來的 (而"心靈意象"即是你的所思所想) * 你是自己人生的編劇.導演與演員
2. 如此簡單的秘密 * 宇宙會回應你內在感覺的頻率&本質 * 鼓勵您持續以美好的情緒生活: 則你會持續地吸引更多符合這樣快樂情感的情境與人 (當情緒低迷, 你要懂得改變來改運喔; 音樂. 振奮自己...) * 情緒指引系統的回饋: 當你的行動或某個想法有負面感覺時 表示此所想和你真正想要 (在不對的道途上)
3. 秘密的運用步驟 * Ask: 向宇宙下訂單吧! 列出你的願望清單! * Answer: 整個宇宙會重新安排來回應你. * Receive: 請讓自己的思言行維持在與所欲一致的感受頻率上
4. 秘密絕招: 身臨其境 & 感恩 * 僵化的思維使你不斷地重蹈覆轍,而得到不變的結果. * 帶來豐盛圓滿的思維絕招: 感恩! 感恩使你對焦於喜悅富足的頻率. * 創造的思維絕招: 身臨其境的觀想! 它使你產生強大的吸引力.
5. 財富的秘密 * 注意你內在對金錢的觀念和關注焦點, 你無法一腳煞車,一腳油門. * 你無法透過外在物質的追逐, 而得到內在的幸福 ; 而是必先能感到內在的幸福喜悅, 它會自然地吸引外在對應的豐盛富足.
. 關係的秘密 * 你先好好愛自己，才能夠真正的愛別人 * 專注與感謝他人的優點上,他人會反映更多其優點給你
7. 健康的秘密 * 我們思維與情感真的會決定身體的物質結構和功能 * 壓力和失衡是身體疾病的主要原因, 讓身心平衡愉快, 能量自然順暢
8. 世界的秘密 * 當你極力對抗不想要的事物, 你反而強化了它存在的力量 * 資源不足是謊言; 世界的資源是足夠的, 資源匱乏是因為人類不分享.
9. 你的秘密 * 拋開受害者心態吧! 停止責備與歸罪外在或他人 * 承認您是靈性存有! 是你創造了自己生活/生命的實相
10. 生命的秘密 * 生命沒有那麼多的必須和限制, 它的本質是愛.自由和喜悅 * 找到和你內心共鳴感到美好的人事物, 追隨讓你幸福快樂的事物, 自然能找到富足與快樂幸福的源頭.
http://www.soultw.com/st/
2008年5月5日 星期一
人腦有限 一次只能記四個資訊
您是否遇到過這樣的情況，本來想給別人講個笑話，但怎麼也想不起來是什麼笑話，這是因為人每次只能回憶起一定數量的事情。
中新網引述美國「生活科學」雜誌報導，研究人員發現，大多數人一次只能記住三或四個資訊。
密蘇里大學哥倫比亞分校研究人員實驗發現，人類大腦的短時間記憶大多為三到四個資訊。研究計劃負責人表示，傳統觀點認為短時記憶最多為7個資訊，所以以前很多電話號碼設置為七位數。但新研究發現，人在對數字等資訊進行記憶時，通常是採用三個數字和四個數字各一組的方式，再把它組合成七個數字的資訊。
研究人員表示，有些人的工作記憶能力特別強，這是因為他們對資訊分組處理的能力比一般人強。相關研究結果有望幫助人們找到新的提高記憶力方法。
Reference : http://tw.news.yahoo.com/article/url/d/a/080505/1/ykbe.html
中新網引述美國「生活科學」雜誌報導，研究人員發現，大多數人一次只能記住三或四個資訊。
密蘇里大學哥倫比亞分校研究人員實驗發現，人類大腦的短時間記憶大多為三到四個資訊。研究計劃負責人表示，傳統觀點認為短時記憶最多為7個資訊，所以以前很多電話號碼設置為七位數。但新研究發現，人在對數字等資訊進行記憶時，通常是採用三個數字和四個數字各一組的方式，再把它組合成七個數字的資訊。
研究人員表示，有些人的工作記憶能力特別強，這是因為他們對資訊分組處理的能力比一般人強。相關研究結果有望幫助人們找到新的提高記憶力方法。
Reference : http://tw.news.yahoo.com/article/url/d/a/080505/1/ykbe.html
2008年5月1日 星期四
5.2.1
1.formants
A formant is a peak in the frequency spectrum of a sound caused by acoustic resonance.[1] In phonetics, the word refers to sounds produced by the vocal tract. In acoustics, it refers to resonance in sound sources, notably musical instruments, as well as that of sound chambers. However, it is equally valid to talk about the formant frequencies of the air in a room, as exploited, for example, by Alvin Lucier in his piece I Am Sitting in a Room.
Formant and phonetics
2.F-pattern
What is the F-pattern?
The F-pattern for a consonant is determines by the place, degree, and shape of the main oral constriction, and by the tongue and lip configuration required by the following vowel. There’s basically one global gesture for manipulating F1 frequency, two local gestures for F2, and three precise gestures for F3. Fine movements are required to manipulate the upper formant.
A formant is a peak in the frequency spectrum of a sound caused by acoustic resonance.[1] In phonetics, the word refers to sounds produced by the vocal tract. In acoustics, it refers to resonance in sound sources, notably musical instruments, as well as that of sound chambers. However, it is equally valid to talk about the formant frequencies of the air in a room, as exploited, for example, by Alvin Lucier in his piece I Am Sitting in a Room.
Formant and phonetics
2.F-pattern
What is the F-pattern?
The F-pattern for a consonant is determines by the place, degree, and shape of the main oral constriction, and by the tongue and lip configuration required by the following vowel. There’s basically one global gesture for manipulating F1 frequency, two local gestures for F2, and three precise gestures for F3. Fine movements are required to manipulate the upper formant.
2008年4月9日 星期三
大腦 (Brain)
由結構來分類，大腦可分為下列各區域：
大腦皮質 (Cerebral cortex)
思考
自主性運動
語言
推理
知覺
--"cortex" 這個字在拉丁文中所代表的意思是 "樹皮", 這是因為大腦皮質是由神經細胞所組成厚約僅2～6公釐的組織, 左右半球的皮質區是靠胼胝體互相連接。
小腦 (Cerebellum)
運動
平衡
姿勢調整
--"cerebellum" 這個字在中所代表的意思是 "小腦", 位於腦幹的後方。 小腦和大腦皮質區一樣, 也有所謂的半球結構。
腦幹 (Brain Stem)
呼吸
心跳
血壓
--腦幹指的是位於丘腦與脊髓之間的區域, 其中包含了medulla, pons, tectum, reticularformation及tegmentum等部份。
丘腦 (Thalamus)
感覺
運動
--丘腦負責接收來自感覺器官的訊號, 並將之傳達至大腦皮質區。
丘腦下部(Hypothalamus)
體溫
情緒
饑餓
口渴
心跳節奏
--丘腦下部是人體內的溫度調節中心, 可以感應體溫變化並適時給予調整。
邊緣系統 (Limbic System)
情緒反應
邊緣系統包括了扁桃腺(amygdala), 海馬迴 (hippocampus), 乳頭狀體 (mammillary bodies) 以及cingulate gyrus等區, 此系統在情緒反應的控制上非常重要。
海馬迴 (Hippocampus)
學習
記憶
--海馬迴屬於邊緣系統的一部份, 在記憶和學習的腦部功能上扮演了極為重要的角色。
基底神經結 (Basal ganglia)
運動
--基底神經結實際上是globus pallidus, caudate nucleus, subthalamic nucleus, putamen和substantia nigra等區域的總稱, 在運動協調上有著重要的角色。 帕金森氏症的產生原因即是此區域發生病變所造成的。
中腦 (midbrain)
視覺
聽覺
眼球運動
身體運動
--中腦包含了superior colliculi, inferior colliculi及red nucleus等區域。
大腦：主宰活動思維的器官
在動大腦手術的時候，病人可能有知覺
對許多人來說，大腦的損傷會帶來致命的影響。可是，對著名畫家梵高而言，正是這給了他創作的靈感。
BBC一部新的電視系列片《大腦故事》調查了關於顳腦葉的損傷可能對著名後印象派畫家梵高的創作起了重要的作用這一說法。
這種損傷經常是由癲癇病導致。它同時還影響大腦處理視聽信息的方式。
梵高有癲癇病
就梵高的例子而言，專家們相信，大腦的損傷改變了他看世界的方式，可能直接使他形成極具個人風格的藝術形式。
哈佛醫學院的科斯本博士嘗試去解釋癲癇病對梵高的生活和藝術創作的影響。
在研究了顳腦葉有損傷的病人後，他發現他們看顏色和影像比實際上更為鮮艷且生動。
“傳感在這兒歸納。所以很容易看到在大腦這個地區發生障礙是可以如何創造另外一種完全不同的傳感經驗。”
節目的主持人--牛津大學的格林菲爾德教授是一位頂尖的神經科學家。她說顳腦葉的功能失調可能會導致強烈精神感覺的產生。
“我們知道如果你刺激那個地區的話，人們有時候會說他們覺得有一種神秘的體驗。”
對大腦的研究
大腦故事將會調查大腦對於我們從行動到感情各個方面的控制。
格林菲爾德教授戴上大腦掃描儀 <>
格林菲爾德教授說大腦是最令人著迷的人類器官，而這很大原因是因為它一直保持那麼神秘。
“大腦是你的精華。它是你身體最私人的部分。它給了你豐富而不被外人所窺視的的內心世界。”
“它使你成為一個獨特的個體。即使你做了肝臟或是心臟移植，你仍然是你自己。如果你移植了你的大腦，你就成了另外一個人了。”
化石紀錄顯示，人類的大腦在幾千年來並沒有重要的變化。
格林菲爾德教授說：“我們比任何體能上，尤其是大腦方面的改變都複雜。這主要是由於世世代代以來我們學習和適應的能力在不斷提高。”
“我們的大腦和五萬年前薩凡那人的大腦毫無區別。”
大腦控制各種行為 
可是，格林菲爾德教授說，大腦的大小并不等同於大腦的能力的高低。
她說：“愛因斯坦的大腦就比常人的大腦稍微偏小。因此重要的是腦細胞之間的聯繫，而這給了你適應並進化成人的獨特能力。”
儘管如此，她否認了我們沒有使用大部分大腦的說法。她說：“這是不可能的。”
“從掃描儀上面你可以看到大腦是怎樣‘呼吸’，使用氧氣和葡萄糖，然後努力工作的。”
“我想人們有這種看法主要是因為在任何一個掃描的剎那都只有10%的大腦細胞是活躍的。可是這並不意味著我們只使用10%的大腦，因為一個大腦細胞可以是沉默但同時在工作著的。”
在電視片裡還採訪了一位婦女。她在接受大腦手術時仍然保持清醒。”
這是可能的，因為大腦並沒有痛覺傳感器。
另外一名失去了右手前手臂的病人則描述說，觸摸她的臉會使她感覺到那已失去的手的動作。
Reference " http://news.bbc.co.uk/olmedia/835000
大腦半球的中心是有髓神經纖維，即白質；皮質有很多溝回，即灰質。人類的大腦皮質十分發達，這使人腦不同於其他哺乳動物的大腦。雖然某些白質結構也具有獨立的重要功能，但白質中的神經纖維主要用以聯結大腦皮質各功能區。由前到後有一條深裂溝將大腦分為兩個半球，每個半球調控其對側軀體的活動。其中一個半球在功能上占優勢，它集中了一些特化的神經中樞，如言語、思維的中樞，決定右利還是左利等決定空間趨向的中樞。另一側半球則支配更微妙、複雜的知覺，如識別不同的面孔。 兩側大腦半球由胼胝體連接，它是一塊白質的厚板，可聯繫來自身體兩側的感覺訊息和功能應答。大腦的其他重要結構有下視丘和視丘。下視丘控制代謝和內環境穩定。視丘是一個主要的感覺傳遞中樞，管理情緒和本能。這些結構團繞著一些空間(腦室)，腦室內充滿著腦脊液，它既向腦細胞供應營養，也有緩衝保護作用，使腦部避免衝撞的影響。**** 動物身體前端神經組織集中的結構。腦用以整合感覺信息並指導運動應答，從而在維持生命所必需的本能活動中起重要作用。在高等脊椎動物，腦也是學習的中心。 低等脊椎動物的腦為管狀，似高等脊椎動物腦發育的早期階段。腦分為3個明顯的區域︰後腦、中腦和前腦。雖然高等脊椎動物腦的腦形態在胚胎發育過程中經歷了很大的變化，這3個部分依然可以分辨出來。 後腦由延髓和橋腦組成。延髓在脊髓和腦的高級部分之間傳遞信號；也是心跳、呼吸等自主功能的中樞。橋腦的一部分由連接脊髓和腦高級部分的神經束構成。橋腦也包含將信息從大腦傳到小腦的神經細胞。中腦的背側部分來自視葉，在魚類和兩棲類是主要的感覺整合中心。在爬蟲類及鳥類中腦也起一個重要的整合作用。哺乳動物的中腦大為退化，主要聯繫後腦和前腦的作用。小腦通過大的神經束與延髓、橋腦、中腦聯繫。人的小腦相對較大，其功能為保持平衡及使肌群的運動適量和適時，從而動作協調。 前腦包括兩個大腦半球及其下方的間腦(包括視丘和下視丘)。視丘是延髓和大腦之間的主要轉接站；下視丘是性驅力、愉快、疼痛、飢餓、渴、血壓、體溫以及其他內臟功能的重要控制中心。下視丘產生控制垂體前葉分泌的釋放激素，也產生催產素和抗利尿激素，後兩種激素儲存於垂體後葉並由此釋出。 大腦最初是作為嗅葉的一部分而發揮功能，人的大腦則與更複雜的功能有關。人和其他高等動物的大腦發達，覆蓋在腦的其他部分之上，灰質表面形成溝回。溝回的複雜程度在一定程度上決定於身體的大小。小型哺乳動物(如小食蟻獸、狨)一般腦表面平滑，而大型哺乳動物(如鯨、象、海豚)的大腦則溝回複雜。 兩側大腦半球由一深溝，大腦縱裂(半球間裂)分開。大腦縱裂基部有很厚的神經纖維束組成的胼胝體，用以連接兩側大腦半球。因為神經纖維在延髓交叉，少數纖維在脊髓交叉，左側大腦半球控制身體的右半側，右側大腦半球控制身體左半側。左右大腦半球存在著重要的功能差異。例如，在許多人控制言語的區域位於左側半球，而控制空間知覺的區域在右側半球。 每側大腦半球被中央溝和大腦側裂分為4部分︰額葉、頂葉、顳葉及枕葉。中央溝又稱羅蘭多氏裂，又將皮質運動區(位於中央溝前方)與皮質感覺區(位於中央溝後方)分隔開。皮質運動區和感覺區始於半球的頂部，其上端部分控制身體的下端部分，而其下端部分控制身體的上端部分。大腦半球的其他功能區亦已確定，包括枕葉的視皮質和顳葉的聽皮質。靈長動物皮質的很大一部分並無明確的運動或感覺功能；這些所謂聯繫皮質似乎與高級精神活動有關，並構成人類大腦皮質的最大部分。
參考資料 大英百科全書。 2006年。 大英線上繁體中文版。
＊人的腦部構造分為大腦與小腦。大腦由大腦皮質(大腦新皮質)、大腦邊緣葉(舊皮質)、腦幹、腦樑所構成。大腦皮質從位置上可分為額葉、聶葉及枕葉三部分。此外，腦又分為左、右兩半部，右半球就是「右腦」，左半球就是「左腦」。而左右腦平分了腦部的所有構造。左腦與右腦形狀相同，功能卻大不一樣。左腦司語言，也就是用語言來處理訊息，把進入腦內看到、聽到、觸到、嗅到及品嚐到(左腦五感)的訊息轉換成語言來傳達，相當費時。左腦主要控制著知識、判斷、思考等，和顯意識有密切的關係。 右腦的五感包藏在右腦底部，可稱為「本能的五感」，控制著自律神經與宇宙波動共振等，和潛意識有關。右腦是將收到的訊息以圖像處理，瞬間即可處理完畢，因此能夠把大量的資訊一併處理(心算、速讀等即為右腦處理資訊的表現方式)。一般人右腦的五感都受到左腦理性的控制與壓抑，因此很難發揮即有的潛在本能。然而懂得活用右腦的人，聽音就可以辨色，或者浮現圖像、聞到味道等。心理學家稱這種情形為「共感」這就是右腦的潛能。 如果讓右腦大量記憶，右腦會對這些訊息自動加工處理，並衍生出創造性的訊息。也就是說，右腦具有自主性，能夠發揮獨自的想像力、思考，把創意圖像化，同時具有做為一個故事述說者的卓越功能。如果是左腦的話，無論是你如何的絞盡腦汁，都有它的極限。但是右腦的記憶力只要和思考力一結合，就能夠和不靠語言的前語言性純粹思考、圖像思考連結，而獨創性的構想就會神奇般的被引發出來。 西元一九八一年，諾貝爾醫學生理獎得主羅傑‧史貝尼教授將左右腦的功能差異歸類整理如下： 右腦(本能腦‧潛意識腦)1.圖像化機能(企劃力、創造力 、想像力) 2.與宇宙共振共鳴機能(第六感 、念力、透視力、直覺力、 靈感、夢境等) 3.超高速自動演算機能(心算、 數學) 4.超高速大量記憶(速讀、記憶 力)左腦(意識腦)‧知性‧知識‧理解‧思考 ‧判斷‧推理‧語言‧抑制‧五感 ( 視、聽、嗅、觸、 味覺)
參考資料 http://www.tbetter.com.tw/left&rightbrain.htm
2008年3月27日 星期四
2008年3月6日 星期四
Preface & Ch1 --- Methods in Phonology
Preface
˙The use of experimental methods in phonology has created a research environment in which rigorous argumentation often depends on integrating data from an array of traditionally distinct disciplines.
1. What is the contest of this book?
2. What is the purpose of the conference?
˙John J. Ohala
˙Methods in phonology
˙The empirical methods
˙Phonology inquiry
˙One focus
˙First
Phonology is addressing increasingly diverse questions about the structure of grammars and the representation of sound patterns in the mind and brain.
˙Second
Technologies relevant to phonological inquiry continue to evolve, as does the availability of large-scale linguistic corpora.
˙Third
There is growing recognition that phonological inquiry should be embedded within a framework informed by the biological, social, and cognitive sciences.
˙Fourth
A clear demonstration that we understand phonetic and phonological principles is the ability to model relevant behaviors and patters.
˙Second focus
(1) Explaining phonological universe.
(2)Understanding the phonetic factors that may give rise to phonological change.
(3) Maintaining, enhancing, and modeling phonological contract
(4) assessing phonological knowledge
˙Partⅰ
Delineate various theoretical considerations and provide background concerning the application of methods from other sciences.
˙partⅱ
The “phonological universals”, are concerned with providing explanations for the similarities that hold across the sound systems of many of the world’s language.
˙partⅲ
“Phonetic variation and phonological change”, use experimental methods to illustrate the principle that sound changes due to universal phonetic and cognitive factors have their origins in synchronic variation.
˙partⅳ
“Modeling, Maintaining, and Enhancing Phonological Contrast”, address how phonological contrasts or features can be modeled and how they are manifested in the phonetic domain.
˙partⅴ
“Phonotactic and phonological knowledge”, demonstrate the use of psycholinguistic, phonetic, and corpora-based methods to test fundamental claims concerning speakers’ and listeners’ knowledge of phonological processes and representations.
Ch1 -- Methods in Phonology
˙Introduction
The focus on methodology, rather than exclusively on particular theories or questions is that methodology has in determining the scientific rigor and maturity if a discipline.
Questions, Answers, Method
˙The question it asks;
˙The answers given to the questions, that is, hypotheses or theories;
˙The methods used to marshal evidence in support of the theories
Questions
˙Those questions explain how speech evolved.
Theories
˙the sound change represented a continual competition between the goals of making speech easier to produce and making it easier to perceive, both of which involve teleological elements.
˙the role played by listeners’' misperception or misparsings of the speech signal, eliminating a teleological element.
Methods
˙First, to present data in an objective way
˙Second, in a quantified way
˙Third, to present evidence that overcomes doubt as to its relevance to a particular hypothesis or theory
˙Finally, the way to overcome doubt is to gather the data with controls
˙The use of experimental methods in phonology has created a research environment in which rigorous argumentation often depends on integrating data from an array of traditionally distinct disciplines.
1. What is the contest of this book?
2. What is the purpose of the conference?
˙John J. Ohala
˙Methods in phonology
˙The empirical methods
˙Phonology inquiry
˙One focus
˙First
Phonology is addressing increasingly diverse questions about the structure of grammars and the representation of sound patterns in the mind and brain.
˙Second
Technologies relevant to phonological inquiry continue to evolve, as does the availability of large-scale linguistic corpora.
˙Third
There is growing recognition that phonological inquiry should be embedded within a framework informed by the biological, social, and cognitive sciences.
˙Fourth
A clear demonstration that we understand phonetic and phonological principles is the ability to model relevant behaviors and patters.
˙Second focus
(1) Explaining phonological universe.
(2)Understanding the phonetic factors that may give rise to phonological change.
(3) Maintaining, enhancing, and modeling phonological contract
(4) assessing phonological knowledge
˙Partⅰ
Delineate various theoretical considerations and provide background concerning the application of methods from other sciences.
˙partⅱ
The “phonological universals”, are concerned with providing explanations for the similarities that hold across the sound systems of many of the world’s language.
˙partⅲ
“Phonetic variation and phonological change”, use experimental methods to illustrate the principle that sound changes due to universal phonetic and cognitive factors have their origins in synchronic variation.
˙partⅳ
“Modeling, Maintaining, and Enhancing Phonological Contrast”, address how phonological contrasts or features can be modeled and how they are manifested in the phonetic domain.
˙partⅴ
“Phonotactic and phonological knowledge”, demonstrate the use of psycholinguistic, phonetic, and corpora-based methods to test fundamental claims concerning speakers’ and listeners’ knowledge of phonological processes and representations.
Ch1 -- Methods in Phonology
˙Introduction
The focus on methodology, rather than exclusively on particular theories or questions is that methodology has in determining the scientific rigor and maturity if a discipline.
Questions, Answers, Method
˙The question it asks;
˙The answers given to the questions, that is, hypotheses or theories;
˙The methods used to marshal evidence in support of the theories
Questions
˙Those questions explain how speech evolved.
Theories
˙the sound change represented a continual competition between the goals of making speech easier to produce and making it easier to perceive, both of which involve teleological elements.
˙the role played by listeners’' misperception or misparsings of the speech signal, eliminating a teleological element.
Methods
˙First, to present data in an objective way
˙Second, in a quantified way
˙Third, to present evidence that overcomes doubt as to its relevance to a particular hypothesis or theory
˙Finally, the way to overcome doubt is to gather the data with controls
2008年2月1日 星期五
The difference between general semiotician and biosemiotician
符號學家係指研究符號傳意的人文科學家，其研究的符號含蓋所有涉及：
文字符號、訊號符號、密碼符號、古文明記號、手語等科學符號。
在時代演進的情況下，各門專業被更加的細分結果，導致當代符號學家依符號的特質做更詳細的分類，現代符號學家當中包括了：歷史符號學家文學符號學家文化符號學家社會符號學家生物符號學家生存符號學家影像符號學家藝術符號學家電影符號學家建築符號學家人類學符號學家
甚至，在南洋大海嘯之後，有部份符號學家專門研究起『災難符號學』分科，姑且可稱這些符號學家為「災難符號學家」。
其實，符號學家還不只上述這些，舉凡政治學.經濟學.教育學.建築學.音樂學.社會學.語言學.認知科學.傳播學.邏輯學.闡釋學.地圖學.製圖學.性別研究.城市研究跨文化研究.等各個學術領域的符號之實際應用，都有符號學家在做專門的研究。
生物符號學家定義，基本上，凡是探討動物(包括人類)作為感官個體，透過『符號』的放送與接收，形成與環境的互動關係，此類的符號學家，就是生物符號學家。
生物符號學所研究的生物符號，是 focus 在動物的符號信息之傳達，有時藉由聲音、肢體語言、或是環境標示，來製造特殊意義的方式，動物之符號所建構的世界，無異於把廣大沒有邊際的自然，作了一個選擇性、功能性的建構。
人類的世界跟動物其實很像，我們會用文字、繪畫等象徵系統傳達信息，這是生物本能，人雖然是高等動物，但是此類符號訊息的傳達，乃出自於低等動物生物本能的延續。因此，瞭解生物符號，對研究人類各項符號學，有莫大的助益。
文字符號、訊號符號、密碼符號、古文明記號、手語等科學符號。
在時代演進的情況下，各門專業被更加的細分結果，導致當代符號學家依符號的特質做更詳細的分類，現代符號學家當中包括了：歷史符號學家文學符號學家文化符號學家社會符號學家生物符號學家生存符號學家影像符號學家藝術符號學家電影符號學家建築符號學家人類學符號學家
甚至，在南洋大海嘯之後，有部份符號學家專門研究起『災難符號學』分科，姑且可稱這些符號學家為「災難符號學家」。
其實，符號學家還不只上述這些，舉凡政治學.經濟學.教育學.建築學.音樂學.社會學.語言學.認知科學.傳播學.邏輯學.闡釋學.地圖學.製圖學.性別研究.城市研究跨文化研究.等各個學術領域的符號之實際應用，都有符號學家在做專門的研究。
生物符號學家定義，基本上，凡是探討動物(包括人類)作為感官個體，透過『符號』的放送與接收，形成與環境的互動關係，此類的符號學家，就是生物符號學家。
生物符號學所研究的生物符號，是 focus 在動物的符號信息之傳達，有時藉由聲音、肢體語言、或是環境標示，來製造特殊意義的方式，動物之符號所建構的世界，無異於把廣大沒有邊際的自然，作了一個選擇性、功能性的建構。
人類的世界跟動物其實很像，我們會用文字、繪畫等象徵系統傳達信息，這是生物本能，人雖然是高等動物，但是此類符號訊息的傳達，乃出自於低等動物生物本能的延續。因此，瞭解生物符號，對研究人類各項符號學，有莫大的助益。
2008年1月10日 星期四
Antonio Caetano de Abren Freire Egas Moniz
António Caetano de Abreu Freire Egas Moniz (born November 29, 1874, died December 13, 1955), pron. IPA: , was a Portuguese Neurologist. He was the first Portuguese to receive a Nobel Prize, "for his discovery of the therapeutic value of leucotomy in certain psychoses".
He was born in Avanca, Portugal. He was the inventor of prefrontal leucotomy which was changed to lobotomy by American surgeons Walter Freeman and James Watts, who introduced a larger severing of the neural fibres. It was used as a surgical approach to the radical treatment of several kinds of mental diseases; one of the several types of psychosurgery. For this work, Moniz received the Nobel Prize in 1949, jointly with the Swiss neurophysiologist Walter Rudolf Hess.
Antonio Caetano de Abren Freire Egas Moniz (1874-1949* -1955) 生平
Antonio Caetano de Abreu Freire Egas Moniz
António Egas Moniz, or António Caetano de Abreu Freire Egas Moniz (Portuguese neurologist)
Egas Moniz, António Caetano de Abreu Freire
Egas Moniz, António Caetano de Abreu Freire
ANTONIO CAETANO DE ABREU FREIRE EGAS MONIZ
António Caetano de Abreu Freire Egas Moniz
Walter Rudolf Hess
A Swiss neurophysiologist, Walter Rudolf Hess (1881-1973) won the 1949 Nobel Prize for Physiology or Medicine (with Antonio Egas Moniz) for discovering the role played by certain parts of the brain in coordinating the functions of internal organs.
The son of Professor Clemenz Hess, Walter Rudolf Hess was born at Frauenfeld, Switzerland, on March 17, 1881. In 1900 he became a medical student at the University of Lausanne, and after more study in Switzerland and Germany, he graduated from the University of Zurich in 1906. He became a practicing ophthalmologist, but in 1912 he turned to physiology. In 1917 Hess was appointed professor of physiology and director of the Institute of Physiology at the University of Zurich.
Walter Rudolf Hess (1881-1949*-1973) 生平
Scientist: Walter Rudolf Hess
1949年諾貝爾生理醫學獎 ~發現間腦為體內所有器官的協調中樞~
Walter Rudolf Hess
Walter Rudolf Hess Biography (1881-1973)
The Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine 1949
Walter Rudolf Hess born March 17, 1881, Frauenfeld, Switz.died Aug. 12, 1973, Ascona
Walter Rudolf Hess
WALTER RUDOLF HESS --1949 Nobel Laureate in Medicine
